The Engineer’s Blunder

Sandy Hobbs | Dear Mr Thoms # 35, 1994

Stories about architects or sculptors who commit suicide when they discover an error in their work are widespread and have been discussed on a number of occasions by writers interested in contemporary legend (e.g. Degh and Vazsonyi, 1978, McCulloch, 1987, Hobbs, 1992, Simpson, 1992).

One of the cases I mentioned in my article in Foaftale News concerns the Parc Montsouris in Paris. I quoted three contemporary guidebooks which all told essentially the same story. On the day the Parc opened, the artificial lake suddenly dried out and the engineer who designed it committed suicide.

I have since discovered that the Blue Guide: Paris and Versailles (Robertson, 1992, pp 85-86) also caries the story. No doubt other guidebooks do likewise. However, there is a limit to what I am willing to spend on guides to Paris. I bought the Blue Guide in a fire sale!

I must also be said that not all books for tourists tell this story. One which does not is A Traveller’s History of Paris (Cole, 1994). The author describes the Parc Montsouris (pp. 282-283) and discusses its planning and building. Unlike the guides which carry the suicide story, Cole mentions the name of the engineer responsible for the work, Adolph Alphand.

Reading this, I thought I might be able to make some progress in checking out the accuracy of this particular suicide story. However, I have discovered a problem. The works I consulted mention an architect-engineer called Alphand, Lavedan’s French Architecture (1979) and Le Petit Robert 2 (Rey, 1987). However, they both refer to him as Jean-Charles Alphand. The same person? Probably, since Le Petit Robert attributes the Parc Montsouris to him. If he is indeed the engineer in question, he appears to have taken a long time to decide to commit suicide. The same source gives is death as 1891. The Parc Montsouris opened in 1878.

References:

Cole, Robert. A Trveller’s istory of Paris. Moreton-in-Marsh: Windrush Pressm 1994.
Degh, Linda and Vazsonyi, “The Crack on the Red Goblet or Truth and Modern Legend, in Folklore in the Modern World, (Ed. Richard Dorson), pp 253-272. The Hague: Mouton.
Hobbs, Sandy, “Errors, Suicides, and Tourism” Foaftale News 27, 1992, 2-4.
Lavedan, Pierre. French Architeture, (Revised Edition). London: Scholar Press, 1979.
McCulloch, Gordon. “Suicidal Sculptors: Scottish Versions of a Migratory Legend”, in Perspectives on Contemporary Legend Volume II (Ed. Gillian Bennett, Paul Smith and J.D.A. Widdowson), pp 109-116. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1987.
Rey, Alain (Ed.). Le Petit Robert 2: Dictionnaire Universel des Noms Propres (Revised Edition). Paris: Le Robert, 1987.
Robertson, Ian. Blue Guide: Paris and Versailles (Eighth Edition). London: A & C Black, 1992.
Simpson, Jacqueline, “More Suicidal and Homicidal Architects”, Foaftale News 28, 1992, 5-6.

Footnote

Gillian Bennett

Five texts should be added to the growing bibliography of the “Architect’s/Engineer’s Blunder”. None of these appear to be cited in FOAFtale News 27 (September 1992) 2-4; 28 (December 1992) 5-6.

The first, perhaps most obvious, one is Mick Goss’s article in The Unknown, which covers some of the same ground as Gordon McCulloch’s paper; there’s also a mention of the story n Nigel Pennick’s article about walled up trains in the London underground. Finally, there are two articles in Folklore in the early decades of this century, in which the author discusses variants where a jealous master builder either kills the pupil who outshines him or commits suicide(motif W181.2.1). The note by Rose is a follow-up to Crooke’s articles: Rose suggests that the story originated in foundation sacrifices (an outdated theory, perhaps, but worth mentioning!). Here are the citations:

Crooke, W. “Prentice Pillars: The Architect and His Pupil”, Folk-Lore 29 (1918): 219-25.

Crooke, W. “Prentice Pillars: The Architect and His Pupil”, Folk-Lore 31 (1920): 323-24.

Goss, Michael, “Legends For O
ur Time 1: The Architect’s Blunder”, The Unknown (July 1987): 10-16.

Pennick, Nigel. “Urban Folklore of the London Underground”, Folklore Frontiers 6 (1987): 8-11.

Rose, H. A. “Prentice Pillars”, Folk-Lore 34 (1923): 381.

Aggie Admission Application

Bill Ellis | Letters to Ambrose Merton # 7, 1996

Texas A&M University is a notorious target for “numbskull” humor, as “Aggies” are assumed to be rural/blue collar as opposed to University of Texas grads who are (sub)urban and white collar. This application has been around in several formats. In their Work Hard and You Shall Be Rewarded (AFS 1975), Alan Dundes and Carl R. Pagter give several analogous items: a brief “Government Poverty Application” from 1966 and longer applications to join the NAACP (a Black organization active at the same time in the Civil Rights movement) and the Mafia (pp. 125ƒ131).

APPLICATION FOR ADMISSION TO TEXAS A&M UNIVERSITY

Name:__________________________

Nickname:_________________________________

CB Handle:_____________________

Address (RFD No.):_________________ƒƒ_____________________________________

Daddy (If unknown, list 3 suspects):______________________________________

Mamma:_________________________

Neck Shade: _____Light Red _____Medium Red _____Dark Red

Number of teeth exposed in full grin: Upper_____ Lower_____

Name of Pickup owned:_______________ Height of Truck__________

Truck equipped with:

____Gun Rack ____4ƒWheel Drive ____Confederate Flag

____Cassette Deck ____Load of Wood ____Hijacker Shocks

____Radar Detector ____Mag Wheels ____Dual CB Antennas

____Spittoon ____Camper Top ____Air Horns

____Mud Flaps ____Toothpick Holder ____MudƒGrip Tires

____Raccoon Hide ____Big Dog

Number of empty beer cans on floorboard or in bed of pickup truck:_____

BUMPER STICKERS:

____Eat more Possum ____My other car is a piece of shit too

____Honk if you love Jesus ____If you ain't a cowboy you aint shit

____Redman Chewing Tobacco

Define the following (must be 90% correct):

1 Grits 6 Sawmill Gravy 11 Cobbler 16 Tater

2 Goobers 7 Turnip Salad 12 Fatback 17 Pig Skins

3 Pinto Beans 8 ShitƒonƒaƒShingle 13 Tote 18 Okrie

4 Collards 9 Redeye Gravy 14 Chickin' Fry19 Shonuf

5 Sidemeat 10 Soppin' Syrup 15 Poke 20 Chitlins

Favorite Vocalist:

____Reba McEntire ____Conway Twitty ____Loretta Lynn

____Hank Williams Jr. ____Randy Travis ____Ray Wylie Hubbard

____Tammy Wynette ____Slim Whitman ____Porter Wagoner

____Willie Nelson ____George Jones ____Box Car Willie

Favorite Recreation:

____Square Dancin' ____Possum Huntin' ____Skinny Dippin'

____Craw Daddin' ____Gospel Singin' ____4ƒWheelin'

____Drankin' ____Spittin' Backy ____Bill Chip Throwin'

____Honky Tonkin' ____Noodlin' ____Other

Name of Son(s): ____Bubba ____Jim Bob ____LeeRoy ____J.D.

Name of Daughter(s): ____PammySue ____Violet ____Paulette ____Daisy

Weapons Owned:

___Deer Rifle ___SawedƒOff Shotgun ___Varmint Rifle ___Log Cabin

___Tire Iron ___Power Chain Saw ___Pick Handle ___Hick'ry Switch

Number of Dogs:____ Type: ___Blue Tick ___Beagle

___Black & Tan ___Bird Dawg

Cap Emblem: ___John Deer ___McCullock Chain Saws ___Budweiser

___VoƒTech ___Skoal ___Coors

___NAPA ___Smile if You're Not Wearing Underwear

Number of Dependents: Legal:________ Claimed:_________

Number of Weeks Unemployed:__________

Number of Welfare Checks Received:____________

Memberships:

___KKK ___NRA ___Moose ___PTL Club ___AA

___Bass Club ___VFW ___Quiltin' Bee ___American Legion

___United Sons n' Daughters of the Confederacy

___John Birch Society

Length of Right leg:________ Length of Left leg:__________

Does your truck contain some part painted the offical state color of

Primer Red? ___Yes ___No

How many cars do you have jacked up on blocks in your front yard?_______

How many kitchen appliances will you keep on your front porch?__________

Will you wear mostly doubleƒknit polyester pants with snags?____________

Do you own any shoes? ____Yes ____No If yes, how many?__________

What year did you last purchase shoes?_________________

Are you married to any of the following:

____Sister ____Cousin ____Sow

Do you know her name?________________

Does your wife weigh more than your pickup?____________

Can you sign your name and get the spelling right every time?____________

Have you ever stayed sober for a whole weekend?________________

If so, why?________________________________________________________

Can you count: Past 10 with your shoes on?_________________

Do you know any words that have more than four letters?__________________

Have you ever had more than one bath in a week?__________________________

Medical Information:

Do you have at least two of the following:

___BO ___Head Lice ___Rabies

___Trench Mouth ___Runny Nose ___Bad Breath

Alas, Poor Ghost

Véronique Campion-Vincent | Letters to Ambrose Merton # 24, 2000

Gillian Bennett, Alas, Poor Ghost. Traditions of Belief in Story and Discourse, Logan (Utah), Utah State University Press, 1999, 223 p.

Personal experience stories are the core of Gillian Bennett’s research into contemporary supernatural folklore, linked to widespread “informal belief systems, created and expressed through a network of interactions”.

This new edition, expanded and extensively revised, of Traditions of Belief. Women and the Supernatural (1987) includes a new chapter, (chapter 3 written with gerontological psychologist Kate Bennett) discussing “the experience of bereavement and the sense of presence which we believe are basic contexts for vernacular beliefs about personal contact with the dead” (77-114) and closes, on chapter 5 with a renewed presentation of the historical context of modern conceptions about ghosts: evocation of three famous ghosts (Hamlet’s father, the Cock Lane Poltergeists, the Vanishing Hitchhiker), two competing interpretations of ghosts at the end of the 19th century (that of rationalist Clodd and of “believer” Lang, both folklorists respectively illustrating the traditions of disbelief and of belief), “a history of belief in the power of the dead to witness and respond to the lives of the living” (139-172).

Chapter 1 presents the study briefly (a more extensive presentation is given in the appendices) and outlines the worldview of the respondents (9-38). Chapter 2 discusses the believers’memorates and presents their beliefs (39-75) while chapter 4 analyzes the memorates “to show how personal experience is transmuted into narrative form and shaped into philosophical debates between the narrator and an imaginary opponent”(115-137). For Gillian Bennett, this analysis shapes the picture of contemporary belief. These three chapters rely heavily upon the memorates collected and analyzed with great finesse by Gillian Bennett.

Never dogmatically defending a thesis, but scrupulously adhering to the narratives through which the Manchester women express their beliefs, this book delineates an intriguing picture of the complexities of contemporary beliefs in the supernatural and in the continued presence of the dead amongst us.

No Go, The Bogeyman

Véronique Campion-Vincent | Letters to Ambrose Merton # 22, 2000

Marina Warner, No Go the Bogeyman. Scaring, Lulling and Making Mock, London, Chatto & Windus, 1998; New York, Farrar, Strauss and Giroux, 1999, 435 p.

Marina Warner (novelist and historian, whose previous studies link cultural studies and folklore Alone of All Her Sex: The Myth and Cult of the Virgin Mary, 1976 From the Beast to the Blonde: On Fairy Tales and Their Tellers, 1995) gives here a very rich study on the figures of fear, mostly male, always very present in contemporary culture. This book has received the Katharine Briggs Award, in 1999.

Myths and lullabies, stories and songs, pictures and movies, all the expressions of learned and popular cultures are reviewed during the three parts of this book: Scaring, Lulling, Making Mock. MW takes the reader on a tour to the lands of fear, through cultures, eras and levels.

The chapters of the first part ‘Scaring’ review the themes of terror, emphasizing their extensions on the side of cannibalism: ‘Here comes the bogeyman’ (23-47), ‘My father he ate me’ (53-77), ‘The Polyp and the Cyclops’ (82-93), ‘The devil’s banquet’ (95-115), ‘Hoc est corpus’ [Corpus Christi feast] (126-135) ‘Now… we can begin to feed’ (136-159) ‘Terrors properly applied’ [Fear-based education] (160-183). They are intertwined with three interludes called ‘Reflections’, where MW comments a painting by Goya, ‘Saturn devouring his child’ (48-52), a sculpture representing the antique monster Scylla seizing Odysseus’s men (78-81), the feast ‘Patum’ a carnival filled with monsters, devils and frightening masks, of the small mountain town of Berga, Catalonia, in 1996 (116-125).

A detailed presentation of the first chapter ‘Here comes the bogeyman’ will show the extreme diversity of the themes approached in this book: an evocation of Goethe’s King of the Alders poem (1782), is followed by the presentation of a contemporary folkloric version in Devon (Dartmoor): the demon huntsman Dewer, and an evocation of one of Angela Carter’s tales in The Bloody Chamber (1975). Several tales and figures of “child-stealers, night-raiders, cradle-snatchers” are then reviewed (from the omo nero to the Baba Yaga going through the Pied Piper, the Sandman and, of course, the Bogeyman), MW discussing in parallel Classical myths, characters of folklore, and the multiple literary elaborations built upon them (Hoffmann’s fairy tale The Sandman (1817), Charles Perrault, Lewis Carroll, but also Michel Tournier (1970 Le roi des Aulnes revisiting the King of the Alders legend in a wartime German setting), Doris Lessing (1988, The Fifth Child), David Lynch (Blue Velvet) and Angela Carter). After a linguistic and phonologic detour upon the origin and evolution of ‘Bogy’ and ‘Bogeyman’, MW recalls that several folktales stage heroes that triumph over monsters, from Odysseus to ‘Jack and the Beanstalk’ through Tom Thumb. The chapter closes upon a picture of the fictional cannibal serial killer Hannibal Lecter (hero of “Silence of the lambs”). [This description had to leave out several of the references alluded to by MW].

‘Lulling’ opens with ‘Reflections’ commenting Caravaggio’s painting, ‘The rest on the flight into Egypt’ (186-191). This part is fully dedicated to lullabies and their multiple functions, studied in the three chapters ‘Sing now mother… what me shall befall’ (192-207), ‘Herod the king, in his raging’ (208-233), ‘And thou, oh nightengale’ [Myths of the childish or adult female victim’s return as a nightingale] (224-237).

The five chapters of the third part ‘Making Mock’ will bring discoveries to the reader, especially in the cultural history dimension of the book. This part opens upon ‘Reflections’ commenting Desprez’s engraving of ‘The Chimera’ (1777), and another set of ‘Reflections’ on the well-known series of Albert Eckhout’s Brazilian portraits introduces the last chapter. ‘In the genre of the monstrous’ (246-261) reflects upon the promotion of the horrible and the monstrous, which have become entertainment in contemporary mass culture. ‘Circe’s swine: wizard and brute’ (262-283) evokes animal metamorphoses and presents the character of Gryllus, created by Plutarch, victim of Circe become swine who energetically refuses the return to human shape he is offered. Gryllus reappears in ‘All my business is my song’ (284-301), but under the shape of the cricket, perpetually singing animal, minute grotesque carved in antique gems endowed with magical powers, and also present in the edges of ancient manuscripts where it parodies men. The happy little singing animal has been utilized in literature, from La Fontaine’s cicada to il grillo parlante of Collodi’s Pinocchio (1883). These utilizations are detailed in this chapter that enlarges on to the role of monstrous characters in the fantastic genres. ‘Fee, fie, fo, fum’ (302-325) returns to folklore with an evocation of the folktales ogres and of the part they play in Basile (1633-36 Il Pentamerone) and Perrault (1697 Contes du temps passé) where they are frequently outwitted and killed by young heroes, male and female. At the beginning of the 19th century, the adaptations and commentaries of folktales by radical rationalist atheist philosopher William Goodwin (father of Mary Shelley) are, tells MW, an early example of political correctness, a strategy “to use fiction and fantasy to introduce children to ideas and thinking and to rationalize their fears”. ‘Of the paltriness of things’ (326-339) develops the figures of mockery and humour that set the ogre and the bogeyman in a ridiculous posture, reduced to nothing by laughter and ruse. The frequent identification ogre/stranger takes MW to examine racist humour, insults and jokes, and the replicas reversing the situation when the blacks accused of cannibalism “take the insults and turn them into a means of defiance” posing as cannibals in calypso songs for example. ‘Going bananas’ (340-373) follows the meanders of parodic inversion through the theme of the banana in contemporary humour. A multiple symbol: phallic signifier, epitomizing the natural plenitude assigned to the tropics (to their bountiful nature as well as to their oversexed inhabitants), the banana has been utilized since the twenties in music hall (they constituted Joséphine Baker’s costume in the Revue nègre of 1926) and the reader will discover the multiplicity of its contemporary uses: racist insult (some English football fans through bananas onto the pitch in abusive mockery at a rejected black player) but also elective food for athletes, base of an economical activity basic to the Caribbean and Central America, emblem of the tropical and musical movie comedies of the forties illustrated by Busby Berkeley and Carmen Miranda, etc.

The ‘Epilogue: Snip! Snap! Snip!’ (374-387) first discusses the mutilations inflicted to the devils in Uccello’s predella ‘The miracle of the profaned host’ (brought by a poor woman to a Jewish usurer and that miraculously resists the affronts he inflicts on the host, a theme close to that of the ritual murder) and cases of destruction of scaring images. Then childish terrors are evoked, especially those raised by the Struwwelpeter of Heinrich Hoffmann (1845) and its castrating character the scissor-man, who cuts the thumb of the child that persists to suck it. Hoffmann intended to mock the cruel and rigid educators of his time, but his books have terrorised generations of children unaware of his ironic intentions. [MW, who still sucked her thumb at seven, had personally asked her father to destroy the menacing book.]

After the austereness and the refusal of images of protestantism, our era is that of the return of the power of images, of the abandonment of verification for the acceptance of their magic and powers; of the raising to star status of great criminals, which incarnate the fears raised by the ogre or bogeyman in their atrocious actions.

The Crocodile from Paris again

Veronique Campion-Vincent | Letters to Ambrose Merton # 6, 1996

Veronique Campion-Vincent has sent us an unidentified clipping from a French newspaper, dated January 1996. It concerns the crocodile rescued from the sewers of Paris, discussed in Dear Mr Thoms 36: 13-15. The crocodile, captured in 1984, now resides in the aquarium at Vannes in Britanny and the story concerns the need to move it into a larger tank. Initially it was about 80 centimetres long and was put in a tank with turtles. However, it has grown considerably since then. The article claims that it could reach seven metres when fully grown.

The article describes the difficulties faced by the biologist, Pierre-Yves Bouis, who was in charge of the crocodile’s tank. He had twelve tries at lassoing the crocodile’s jaws shut before managing to hoist it onto a stretcher to make the move.

S.H. notes: This tells us little more than that the aquarium probably has quite an effective press officer. However, most interesting from the point of view of contemporary folklore is the brief account given of the crocodile’s origins. He was “saved by firemen from the sewers of Paris, near the Pont Neuf, where his previous owner had got rid of him”.

In reality, we do no know how the crocodile got into the sewer. It may have been abandoned by its owner. However, describing the location as “near the Pont Neuf” conceals another possibility, namely that it was an escapee from a pet shop. The sewer ran under the Quai de la Megisserie, renowned as a centre for the sale of exotic plants and animals.

The Devil in an Early Victorian Ball-Room

Michael Goss | Letters to Ambrose Merton # 7, 1996

Satan is stylish, sexy, fashion-conscious. He likes to wear sharp suits and to dance all the latest dances – and know these are what the young ladies like, as well. He catches their eye in a Texas dance hall by rigging himself out as a handsome young man in a dashing vaquero cowboy outfit; selects as his partner the prettiest, proudest girl in the room and struts out a master-class version of the polka. She is completely captivated until she notices that his flying feet do not belong on a human being. They are the feet of a chicken. At this point the Devil vanishes (into the men’s room) leaving behind him a cloud of smoke, a sulphurous smell and his unhappy partner fainting prostrate on the floor.

This is how Jan Harold Brunvand represented “The Devil in the Dance Hall for a brief section of his The Vanishing Hitchhiker. His closing and prophetic comment on the legend was that:

“Next, I suppose, we could hear of “The Devil in a Disco” if this Hispanic tradition should enter Anglo folklore.”

Which is precisely what happened, of course. Judging from the existence of an unsigned short story in Chamber’s Edinburgh Journal for 3 July 1847, however, the Devil had stepped into Anglo folklore and out onto the dance-floor long before he considered cutting a few polka fancy steps as a Texas vaquero.

“The Stranger Of The Ball is the earliest version of the “Devil in Dance-Hall” type that I have found so far; which superficial honour aside, it impresses by virtue of its confident subversion of the expected plot. Set in a small country town on the west coast of Scotland in the “time when our respected grandmothers were young ladies”, the tale opens with those same young ladies jostling for the services of the only available hairdresser. A ball was to be held and, as the narrator explains, on such occasions it was inevitable that women should experience more anxiety over the state of their heads than about what they put on their feet.
So great was the demand that the local barber had to take on a temporary assistant This individual was a “smart, vain, ignorant young Cockney” and he soon fell foul of the story’s heroine, who much resented having to wait her turn for his attentions;

“Now Miss Bella, though an angel in beauty, was the very opposite in temper. She was proud, arrogant, and imperious…”

In addition, as the next paragraph informs us:

“She was not at any time very condescending to her inferiors in station; but on the present occasion she discharged all the vials of her pride upon the unfortunate young man, till she nearly sent him crazy, vanity and all.”

When the ball commenced, Bella’s temper did not improve for the lack of eligible dancing partners. The few present consisted of her former discarded or rejected suitors “and these, either in spleen or mortification, kept out of her way”. But when her friends plagued her with their sympathtic concern, she replied “wih a gay fierceness” that:

“I will dance tonight if my partner should be the –.”

No-one could tell how Bella meant to finish the sentence, declares the narrator… but surely we can. Here is what happend next:

“…there was a wild gleam in her eye while she spoke which frightened her audience, and they drew back with a faint scream. In drawing back, some of them nearly trod on the toes of a gentleman who had just entered the room at least no one had observed him till that instant. He was a young and handsome man, with the most exuberant curls and whiskers in the world, of a jetty blackness and contrasting strangely with the waxen colour of his cheek. The eyes of the stranger…were fixed admiringly upon the beautiful Bella; and walking straight up to her, he asked her to dance. He had not been presented to her; she did not know his name; and yet – with an obliviousness of conventional rule quite foreign to her character – she at once accepted his arm, and in another moment they were whirling together through the dance.”

The spectacle of this handsome couple – and the narrator stresses that they make up the handsomest couple in the room – excited considerable comment, most of which took the form of speculation about who the stranger was and where he came from. We cannot help but notice the dangerous departure from “conventional rule” here; Bella has shown marked favour to someone unknown to herself and to everyone else, emphasizing her lapse by continuing to dance with him when social mores warned that a young woman dancing successively with the same partner was giving him amorous encouragement. So it isn’t surprising that when Bella’s uncle made his belated appearnace, he insisted on knowing the identity of this stranger.

“‘Niece,’ said the old gentleman, ‘I shall request the pleasure of being introduced to the gentleman you have danced with.’

‘I did not catch his name,’ replied Bella; ‘the master of ceremonies will doubtless do what is necessary, unless the gentleman himself – where is he?'”

The gentleman had vanished completely, just as we – just as readers of Chambers’s Edinburgh Journal, too – must have expected he would So far the plot has taken a famliar and very moral course, promising to conform with the popular mode wherein pride and vanity are reproved by a Satanic stranger in the sable but alluring guise of a handsome young man. And we are told that, thanks to Rumours way of embellishing simple facts, this is precisely how a good many of the folk presen~ at the ball interpreted events.

“.. at last it was reported and believed that Bella, in despairing of a partner, had summoned up a certain very old young gentleman to dance with her, who had come at her bidding, and at length vanished in smoke.”

The Old Gentleman has neither horns nor hooves – and certainly does not have chicken’s feet such blatantly diabolical detail would have closed off the story, making only one interpretation possible. The author does not want nor permit that to happen. Having undermined the Satanic element slightly by treating the clearest expressions of it as mere rumour or “report”, he or she proceeds to give sceptics in the audience a way out of the dilemma. Not long after the ball, ‘another wonder’ captured the attention of the small town. The Cockney barber had vanished from thc neighbourhood and prominent on a wax display bust in his temporary employer’s window was a set of jet-black curls and whiskers – an artificial hair-piece, in other words – which was “said to bear an astonishing resemblance to the decorations of the stranger at the ball”‘

Plainly enough, we are being invited to think the dancing devil was none other than the Cockney hairdresser in false wig and whiskers, bent upon avenging himself for all the insults that too-proud Bella had offered him. Of course, there is the inconvenient detail of how he could arrive at the ball and (more particularly) vansih from it without anyone registering those facts. The writer ignores such awkward questions, pretending that the real marvel is the permanent alteration wrought in Bella:

“Some old ladies…were still diposed to adhere to the supernatural theory; for how otherwise was it possible to account for the change which took place in the haughty beauty? Miss Bella became, from that day, an absolute personification of meekness and gentleness; and acquiring a perfect horror of the vanities of fashion, ever afterwards appeared in a plain crop of curls!”

In general stylistics – in refusing to endorse “the supernatural theory”, thereby injecting a certain interpretative ambiguity which weakens the exemplum-aspect of the narrative – “The Stranger Of The Ball” is well removed from being a folk-tale. That much is obvious, but not more so than the fact it is plainly based upon a folk-narrative type. Its author understands the conventions of such material and uses them to create something which is arguably more in keeping with modern (early Victorian) taste.

Narrators of traditional folk-tales were accustomed to accommodate the likelihood that the audience knew the plot of the story as well as they themselves; knew, that is, how the story would turn out and how it would be resolved, most of them having already heard it a dozen times or more. Accepting this and perhaps introducing no more than a few minor variations of his or her own, the performer met those audience expectations by providing both expected plot ond predicted ending. What we might see as a further constraint on the performer – the possibility that the narrative might predicate or canvass a belief in the supernatural – was actually not much of a constraint at all since the issue of strict credibility does not seem to have arisen. Regardless of the degree to which our ancestors “believed” in the supernatural once within the storytelling circle they could achieve temporary suspension of any scepticism they may have harboured about it with little effort, especially when guided by the narrator’s use of certain motifs associated with tales of the uncanny and magical.

But the Chambers’s Journal writer was an early Victorian writer. She may have been unhappy about the restrictions imposed by working with a standard plot whose action demanded a fixed ending, one that imposed a solitary (supernatural) reading upon the story. Equally, he or she may have felt that a relatively sophisticated audience would reject a tale too flagrantly glued to a hoary, credulity-stretching folk superstition concerning a materialized Devil, whereas it might appreciate a plot which enable them to retain a measure of scepticism. One major strength of the best Victorian ghost stories is the delicate management of the desire to believe and the desire to rationalise; their authors create a series of events which appear to lay beyond the possibility of explanation in real-world terms, yet simultaneously pretend that of course there must be some such explanation. Frequently, the success or failure of the story depends on this balance, recognizing the width of the gap between supernatural interpretation and rational exegesis.

Besides, the ostensible disadvantages inherent in working with an old, rigid plot structure can prove to be a strength. Any variation upon that plot, but especially a variation in how it is finally resolved, becomes more striking; the piece as a whole will seem more ingenious, more entertaining. The salient point here is that “The Stranger Of The Ball” was written with the assumption that readers would guess what is coming next. We are expected to pick up Bella’s ripeness for punishment, particularly when she utters the unwise promise that she will dance with the – (and here we automatically fill in the unspoken word, “Devil”). Just as certainly will be guess who the handsome mystery-man invoked by her words is meant to be. All this would only be feasible if the audience was already familiar, very familiar, with The Devil on the Dance-Floor prior to reading the story.

The ending’s divergence from expectation threatens to turn Satan in to a set of false whiskers and a Cockney joke, indicating perhaps that the writer is mocking the Dancing Devil legend – at least in part. Alternatively, this comically bathetic gesture towards rationalisation may be mocking itself and the “mystery explained” ending at the same time: as though the writer wanted to say “You’re too sophisticated to believe in the Devil aren’t you? You knew I’d come up with a rational explanation didn’t you? Well, here it is – and isn’t it feeble!”. Either way, this early Victorian short story is wholly dependent on – makes no sense without it – the older legend-type and moreover an audience which was familiar with it. All this evidence that the Devil must have been on the Dance Floor some time – and perhaps a long time – before he put in an appearance as The Stranger Of The Ball in 1847.

Note

  1. Jan Harold Brunvand, The Vanishing Hitchhiker: American Urban Legends and Their Meanings. (New York: Norton; London: Pan paperback edition, 1981). See pages 135-136 of the latter. Prof. Brunvand takes his version of “The Devil in the Dance-Hall” fromn Joe Nick Patoski’s “GGGhost Stories” in Texas Monthly (October 1978) pages 134-130. If I omit to mention here the numerous papers on this subject by Mark Glazer, it is chiefly because I suspect that any reader who is seriously interested in this topic will already be family with them. If not, see his “Continuity and Change in Legendry: Two Mexican-American Examples”, in Perspectives on Contemporary Legend: Proceedings of the Conference on Contemporary Legend Sheffield, July 1982, edited by Paul Smith (Sheffield: Centre for English Cultural Tradition and Language, University of Sheffield, 1984) pages 108-126. Similarly there is Maria Herrera-Sobek’s “The Devil in the Discotheque: A Semiotic Analysis of a Contemporary Legend”, in Monsters with Iron Teeth: Perspectives on Contemporary Legend III, edited by Gillian Bennett and Paul Smith (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1988) pages 147-157. The footnotes to this paper suggest a number of furthe references which might be followed up.

Hanging the Monkey

Sandy Hobbs | Dear Mister Thoms # 33, 1994

In his book Who Hung The Monkey?, Paul Screeton notes that the story of a monkey being hanged is linked to four places in Britain, Boddam (North East Scotland), Hartlepool (North East England) and Mevagissey (South West England), and possibly an unnamed village in Derbyshire (Note 1). Scottish Memories, a recently started monthly popular magazine, adds a further location, Greenock in the West of Scotland.

A short unsigned article, in the June 1993 issue, entitled “Just fancy that…”, dates the event as occurring in 1760. Unlike the stories set in some other places, no shipwreck is involved. A wily native of Port Glasgow hoaxed a gullible citizen of nearby Greenock by telling him that a French spy has swum ashore and is hiding. A posse of Greenock inhabitants catch, try and hang a monkey, believing it to be the French spy. The article also mentions a successful trick later played on Port Glasgow by a Greenock citizen posing as an expert campanologist. On his advice, the Portonians, to clean a bell which was not ringing true, boiled water in it over a fire. The bell cracked and never rang again. (This mirrors the joke and counter-joke associated with other versions of the story, for example the following cited by Drummond, 1982:

Peterhead man: Aye, aye, man! Are ye looking for a monkey?

Boddam fisherman: Foo, fit’s wrang. Hae ye lost yer brither?)

The article in Scottish Memories gave rise to a variety of spin offs, in The Guardian, The Mail of Hartlepool and Scottish Memories itself. The role of the Hartlepool Mail was crucial to this for a reason which can be discerned in the title of the piece it ran, “Hands off our monkey!” (Hickey, 1993). The article is short on evidence and long on assertiveness; for example: “We all know who hung the monkey” said a spokesman for Hartlepool Borough Council. “And it wasn’t the Scots!”

The response by Scottish Memories is hardly impressive if one is interested in quality of argument. The only historical evidence offered is that a French naval squadron was in the area in 1760. Otherwise we have to rely on the fact that “many local folk recall the story being passed down the generations”. One example quoted is of someone hearing it from her father who heard it from his father. Since the informant’s father was born in 1910, the grandfather was presumably born in the second half of the nineteenth century, about a century short of the supposed date of the hanging. Showing a little more balance of judgement, Scottish Memories also quoted Lesley Couperwhite, a local librarian, who pointed out that the story was told “about a number of places from Aberdeen to Cornwall”. (Actually, Boddam is north of Aberdeen, and there is a version from slightly further north than that.)

When Maeve Kennedy, Diarist of The Guardian newspaper picked up on this controversy (8 July 1993) she asked for, and got “more monkeys please”. Only a few of the monkey items she subsequently published concerned monkey hanging, however. On 14 July, she reported the hanging of a monkey, escaped from a circus, in the Cotswold village of Ruardean. On 27 July, she cited Derek Froome on both Megavissey and Boddam. Although she ran items in her Diary until 13 August, no other sites of monkey-hanging were mentioned (although stories involving killing monkeys by other means do mention other places). Paul Screeton reproduces in Folklore Frontiers, No.20, an article from The Journal (Newcastle) in which is added an unidentified fishing port in Dorset. A further location is mentioned by Healey and Galvill in their Urban Myths (pp 87-88). Although they focus upon the Hartlepool story, they state that some natives of Kent claim it happened in that county. (When they later dealt with the Hartlepool story in their Urban Myths feature in The Guardian, they did not mention the Kent version.)

Although these various texts together provide quite a long list of towns or villages (Boddam, Greenock, Hartlepool, Magavissey, Ruardean) and counties (Derbyshire, Dorset, Kent) with which the monkey hanging story has been linked, with respect to documentation we appear to be still in the position that Screeton found himself in when writing his book. Hartlepool and Boddam seem at present to have the most substantial links with the story, though of course researchers with access to local sources might come up with more substantial material on the other locations.

Screeton tends to favour Hartlepool as the more likely “original” and it should be stressed that this can not be seen as simply the local patriotism of a native. As a native of Aberdeenshire, I might be expected to favour Boddam, but I must declare myself an agnostic on the issue. I am not persuaded by James Drummond’s 1982 article arguing for a Boddam origin because of his lack of documentation. Those interested in the question should read Screeton’s book. Here I would like to deal with a couple of points from a slightly different perspective from Screeton’s.

The Boddam story might appear to have three pieces of circumstantial evidence favouring it (see Neish, 1950, Graham, 1965). First, we are told the name of the ship the monkey was on, the Anna. Secondly, we are given a date, 1772. Thirdly, we are provided with a distinctive motive for the hanging. Let us start with the last of these. In most of the monkey hanging stories, the hanging comes about because of the stupidity or ignorance of the people who mistake the monkey for a French spy. In some of the Boddam texts, there is what might be thought a somewhat more “rational” explanation. The status of an abandoned ship with livestock on board is different in Scots law from that of a ship without livestock. A case in 1674 had established that a ship with an ox on board could not be deemed a “wreck”. Killing the monkey could be interpreted as an attempt to improve the Boddamers’ legal claim to the ship. Whilst not exactly admirable behaviour, this casts the executioners as something different from the bumkins implied in other texts. But does this make the story more plausible? I would suggest that in isolation it does not, since the explanation could easily have been added to the story in transmission. If the explanation were linked to an authenticated incident, however, that might make the case for Boddam rather stronger. However, that is not the case. In a recent study of shipwrecks in the area, which aims at being comprehensive, Ferguson (1992) found no evidence of a shipwreck at Boddam (or elsewhere on that coast) involving a ship called the Anna or the year 1772. The incident appears in Ferguson’s book solely on the basis of the legend.

Screeton gives considerable prominence to the song by Ned Corvan “Who hung the monkey?” which first appeared in print in 1862 and which he plausibly links to the Hartlepool story. He notes the fact that a similar song is linked to the Boddam story. Drummond suggested that Corvan adapted an earlier song about Boddam. This is purely speculative, however, since no earlier “Boddam” text exists. Both the Boddam and Hartlepool versions are sung to the tune usually called “The Tinker’s Wedding”. Corvan’s chorus has a final line:

The fishermen hung the monkey O!

Screeton refers to Corvan as having put Hartlepudlians “on the map”, which may well be true, but it should be noted that Hartlepool as such is not mentioned in the text Screeton quotes. In contrast, Screeton quotes as the last line of the chorus of the Boddam version:

The Boddamers hanged the monkey o’.

Is this then evidence that the song is “really” about Boddam? Alison (1976) prints three verses with a chorus which ends:

the Boddamers hanged the monkey-o.

However, the provenance of this version gos back no earlier than 1974 (Note 2). Cuthbert Graham writing in 1965 quotes a four-line verse ending:

And the Boddamers hanged the monkey O!

However, Neish (1950), on whom Graham seems largely have drawn for the story and song, does not quote that line. Searching for an earlier Boddam text, I found a single verse and chorus in the Greig-Duncan Folk-Song Collection (Shuldham-Shaw and Lyle, 1981). Here, the chorus ends:

The fishermen hanged the monkey O.

Not only is Boddam not mentioned, but the accompanying note from the Greig manuscript, dated August 1907, reads:

Cullen fisherman who sang it told of ship running ashore off Banffshire. All the crew were drowned. A monkey was saved. Fishermen, unable to place the creature, hanged it.
Here then is a much earlier text from the North East of Scotland which not only does not mention Boddam but places the incident in the neighbouring county and attributes the hanging to the ignorance of the finders.

Let me end by stating a simple goal. For each supposed location of the monkey hanging story, let us try to discover the earliest known text in which the incident is explictly stated to have involved inhabitants of that particular place. This will not in itself establish the “original” version (if there is such a thing). But it might but the discussion on a slightly firmer footing.

Notes

  1. The qualification “possibly” seems appropriate, since Screeton actually refers to an “ape” being “tried, sentenced and executed”. This seems to me pretty close to stories about monkeys being hanged.
  2. Alison acknowledges as his source a BBC broadcast in 1974 or 1975.

References

Alison, James N. (Ed.), Poetry of Northeast Scotland. London: Heinemann Educational, 1976.
Drummond, James, The Tale of a Monkey, Scots Magazine, October 1982, pp 62-70.
Ferguson, David M., Shipwrecks of North East Scotland 1444-1990. Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1991; Edinburgh: Mercat Press, 1992.
Graham, Cuthbert, The Blossoming of Boddam, The Press and Journal, 10 April 1965 (Cutting in Aberdeen Public Library Local Collection).
Healey, Phil and Glanvill, Rick, Urban Myths. London: Virgin, 1992.
Healey and Glanvill, Urban Myths 39: Monkey business, The Guardian, 12 June 1993, Weekend Section, p 75.
Hickey, Phillip, Hands off our Monkey! The Mail, 2 July 1993; reprinted in Folklore Frontiers, No. 19, 1993.
Neish, Robert, Old Peterhead. Peterhead: P. Scrogie, 1950.
Screeton, Paul, Who Hung The Monkey? A Hartlepool Legend. Hartlepool: Printability Publishing, 1991.
Screeton, Paul, Monkey Hanging Scam, Folklore Frontiers, No. 20, 1993.
Shuldham-Shaw, Patrick, and Lyle, Emily B. (Eds.) The Greig-Duncan Folk Song Collection, Volume 1. Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1981.

Sex stories told in pubs

Brian McConnell | Letters to Ambrose Merton # 1, 1995

Sex stories told by men in public houses are often suspect. Even when there is some public published record of an extrordinary sexual occurrence, there is a suspicion of embroidery by the story-teller.

My elders always assured me that during the 1920s and 1930s the following two stories were witnessed in courts.

An Assistant Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police was charged with an act of indecency in Hyde Park. The magistrate found him guilty and had an undoubted duty to inquire into any previous criminality by the prisoner before passing sentence. Even so, the police must have been surprised to hear the beak ask, “Anything previously known about the prisoner?”

Another magistrate died while having sexual intercourse with a prostitute. At a subsequent inquest, the coroner asked the doxy, “When did you first think that there was anything wrong with the deceased?” Through her tears, the lady replied, “Just as I thought he was coming, he was…”, sob, sob, “going”.

Stories about people dying during the sexual act, usually couple with a pay-off line, “What a way to go!” are seldom believed. Nor are stories about couples being inescapably joined in the sexual act and taken together on one stretcher by the ambulance men to the hospital to be separated. Perhaps someone should compile a list of such stories and legends in the hope the veracity can be checked.

Before we dismiss all stories of sexual oddities as fiction, however, I offer the attached story from my journalistic alma mater with the old-fashioned mandatory quotation from a named authority to substantiate the account.

South London Press, 18 February 1994.
FREE WILLY! PERVERT PADLOCKS PRIVATES
EXCLUSIVE by RICHARD ALLEN

A red-faced patient found himself in a bit of a tight spot when he limped into hospital – with a padlock stuck on his private parts. Staff at St Thomas’ Hospital, Waterloo, called in firefighters on Tuesday morning after they failed to find a delicate way of freeing the elderly man’s manhood.

But after a bit of trial and error the Lambeth fire crew found the right key in their spare set.
A fire brigade spokesman said, “He was obviously some kind of masochist who put this thing on and then found he didn’t have the key. “He was lucky it was a standard lock, otherwise we would have had to use the cutting equipment.”

Dr Caroline Bradbeer, of St Thomas’ genito-urinary medicine department, said the case was not unusual. She said, “Sometimes people do it because they are trying to improve their erection – but then they find it wont go down again.” “Bathing it in ice cubes can work, if it hasn’t gone to far.”

Three years ago, Lewisham firefighters were called to Queen Mary’s Hospital, Sidcup, to free a 55-year-old man who had a steel ring stuck in a similar way.

In a 90-minute operation a medical team managed to cut him free using an air-driven surgical saw while firefighters held the ring with a mole grip and doused the metal with water to keep it cool.

Folklore in the Third Reich

Bill Nicolaisen | Letters to Ambrose Merton # 1, 1995

The Nazification of an Academic Discipline: Folklore in the Third Reich. Edited and translated by James R. Dow and Hannjost Lixfeld. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1994. xx + 354, bibliography, name index. Obtainable from Open University Press, Celtic Court, 22-26 Ballmoor, Buckingham, MK18 1XW. £32.50. ISBN 0-253-31821-1.

In the late ’forties and early ’fifties, the study of folklore at German academic institutions was in crisis. Hardly any courses were on offer because many of the professors and lecturers who should have been teaching them had, if they had survived the war, not yet been cleared by the “denazification” panels. The crisis did, however, have deeper roots than a temporary lack of qualified instructors; it was a crisis of the very discipline itself which, during the years 1933-1945, and to a certain extent perhaps even earlier, had been hijacked by political ideologists who has successfully seized the element Volk- in Volkskunde to identify it with their notion of their term, as in the slogan “Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Fuhrer” which was used to hammer home their aspirations for one people in one nation under one leader, with all the consequences of territorial acquisition, ethnic cleansing, and the derogatory stigmatisation of “others” which this implied. Immediately after the war, there had even been calls for the removal of the discipline from the academic curriculum.

In English, the word “folk” has never had the connotation of nationality (natio) and chauinistic worldview although when Thoms first coined the term “folklore” in 1846, the concept was not completely free from anti-classical bias and purifying prejudice. Any political baggage which it may have been given to carry since then has been derived generally more from class-conscious and anti-elitist thinking than from narrow-minded, simplistic nationalism. If one wants to understand both the power and the vulnerability of the German Volk therefore, English folk is not a good starting point because it is likely to puzzle and confuse rather than clarify. In this respect, it is also significant that several of the Departments or Institutes of Volkskunde in German universities have in the post-war years changed their names.

The enforced appropriation of both Volk and (to such an extent that an ordinary citizen of the Third Reich was addressed as Volksgenosse or VG, roughly “folk-comrade”) and Volkskunde for arrogant, xenophobic, political purposes in national-socialist Germany left the discipline so tainted that it took many years to imbue it with unchallengeable qualities of academic respectability again, often not surprisingly in a kind of ideological rebound via leftist and Marxist leanings, and it was not until 1986 that the German Folklore Society chose “Volkskunde und Nationalsozialismus” as the central topic of one of its biennial congresses. The German originals of the papers included in the anthology under review were also, with two exceptions, not published until the late ‘eighties or early ‘nineties, with several of them deriving from the congress just mentioned. It takes a considerable amount of temporal distance to create an atmosphere conducive to a constructive intellectual confrontation of such a phenomenon as the coercive, starry-eyed but morally brutalising take-over and conversion of a whole discipline and the materials it studies for the purposes of political advancement and cultural subversion. Evem when much water has flowed under the bridge, objectivity has become a slippery commodity and the emotional response to appalling horror and academic debasement, intermingled with the seduction of good minds and of personal tragedy (the folksong scholar Kurt Huber was shot in 1943) keeps simmering under the surface.

The authors whose articles are included in this volume know this, and it is to be regarded as an act of courage on their part rather than of defensiveness that they have been prepared to tackle problems caused by an as yet mostly unaddressed past. Most of them belong to that articulate group of eminent German and Austrian folklorists who have given the discipline of Folklore a fresh start in great adversity and a new standing in German universities; it is probably also worth mentioning that their presentations and arguments were, in the first place, intended for a German or Austrian audience, and that by having made these papers available in English, Dow and Lixfeld have allowed outside spectators to observe these sensitive and sometimes painful intra-German processes. “It couldn’t happen here” would, however, be a short-sighted and completely inappropriate response. The urge to please one’s political masters, especially if they also hold the purse-strings to finance research and the key to professional appointment and promotion, is not confined to Hitler’s Germany, quite apart from the sad fact that some of the practitioners of Volkskunde in the Third Reich Reich may have shared their masters’ ideologies (“ideological drummers”, as Bausinger calls them).

It is gratifying to see that what we have in the volume under review is not a series of general accusations and denunciations from the safety of time-encrusted positions, of their misguided, perhaps even infamous predecessors by the generation who followed them and had to pull the disciplinary cart out of the mire in which it had been left for them irresponsibly, but a set of genuine, cogently argued expositions by their successors, not so much to come to terms with a disturbing past as to begin to understand it. The authors, many of them now in their fifities and sixties, although some of them are younger, do not, it seems, interpret their task as the apportionment of blame or the condemnation of those most guilty in the intellectual rape of a discipline but as a quest to uncover the fundamental causes in what went wrong, and to elucidate the personal and institutional involvement in this development of tendentious distortion.

The tone for such an outlook was set by Hermann Bausinger, himself only in his teens at the end of the war, as early as 1965 in his article “Nazi Folk Ideology and Folk Research” (pp. 11-33) which to this day has remained the most telling contribution to the subject. The basis of Bausinger’s careful analysis and thoughtful argumentation is the realisation that, in contrast to other disciplines, in Volkskunde the National Socialist phenomenon was not an assault from outside, and introduction of foreign elements or a strengthening of the fringe but a perverting emphasis of the primary ideas within the discipline itself. He also points out that the stress on the national and racial aspects of folk-cultural research and the glorification of peasants and their culture did not begin just in 1933 although the National Socialist Volkskunde did not only continue what the leading representatives of the discipline had developed in the previous decades, either. What was important to the practitioners of National Socialism was, according Bausinger, “the absolute priority of political-ideological practice over any attempt at theoretical, neutral, or objective understanding” (p. 28).

That the seduction of folklore studies and of folklorists did not begin in 1933 is the main point of Hermann Strobach’s paper the title of which asks provocatively: “… but when does prewar begin?” (pp. 55-68). For readers familiar with some of the names and figures involved in Volkskunde in Germany in the late ‘twenties and early ‘thirties this is a fascinating account of personal interactions, maintained or shifting positions, and institutional actions and reactions. For the outsider, judging the scene from a more impersonal and external perspective, the almost unstoppable inevitability of the developments and of the events to come is frightening when viewed with hindsight. — The status of one particular collection, the “Weigel Symbol Archive” of over 50,000 photos and index cards, which was made over to the Folklore Department in the University of Gottingen after World War II, is examined by Rolf Wilhelm Brednich (pp. 97-111). Symbols played an important part in the Third Reich, and Brednich’s article highlights the nature, accretion, and ultimate institutionalisation of symbol research in that period. — The late Peter Assion (pp. 112-134) investigates the role of one of the most notorious Nazi scholar-ideologists, Eugen Fehrle, who was appointed Professor of Folklore at the University of Heidelberg in the mid-thirties, openly promoted the nationalistic policies and racial concepts of the Third Reich, and was intered in a camp for political prisoners from 1946 to 1948 – a biography that was unfortunately not exceptional.

For lack of space, it must suffice to list the authors and titles of the remaining papers: the latter are usually self-explanatory: Helge Gerndt, “Folklore and National Socialism” (pp. 1-10); Wolfgang Emmerich, “The Mythos of Germanic Continuity” (pp. 34-54); Christoph Daxelmuller, “Nazi Conceptions of Culture and the Erasure of Jewish Folklore” (pp. 69-86); Hermann Bausinger, “Folk-National Work during the Third Reich” (pp. 87-96); Olof Bockhorn, “The Battle for the ‘Ostmark'” (pp. 135-155); Helmut Eberhart, “Folklore at the Universities of Graz and Salzburg at the time of the Nazi Takeover” (pp. 156-188); Anke Oesterle, “The Office of Ancestral Inheritance and Folklore Scholarship” (pp. 189-246); Wolfgang Jacobeit, “Confronting National Socialism in the Folklore of the German Democratic Republic” (pp. 247-263); and James R. Dow and Hannjost Lixfeld “Epilogue: Overcoming the Past of National Socialist Folklore” (pp. 264-296). The last of these, written especially for this volume ties many strands together and offers pragmatic and theoretical outlooks for the future. It also makes it clear that German post-war folklorists have not been united in their stance and that a few attempts not so much at “white-washing”, but at deflecting, or softening the criticism of, the past have occurred, although these can be described as minority positions. (This reviewer was present on one of these occasions.)

For anybody interested in the fate of German Volkskunde as an academic subject in the Nazi-period the extensive “Bibliography” included in the volume under review (pp. 308-345) is particularly useful; as is to be expected, most of the items it lists are in German. Dow and Lixfeld have done non-German speaking folklorists a great service by making so many of these seminal papers on the subject available in translation. For anybody familiar with the German originals reading them in English is a somewhat schizophrenic experience and, without wishing to detract from the very real merit of this volume and the hard work the translators have put into it, one cannot help suspecting that, in places, knowledge of the original German is beneficial in sensing some of the fine nuances and delicate verbal variations involved in the treatment of such a sensitive and volatile topic. This is particularly true of the translations of some of the official names of National Socialist institutions and titles. What does anybody, for example, make of “Cultivating Bureau for South German Folk Goods” (Pflegant fur suddeutsches Volksgut) or of “Reich Farmer Bank” (Reichsnahrstand) when the German titles are practically untranslatable, as are concepts like Volklstum, Volkhaftigkeit, or Volksmensch, and the like, which are so central to those aspects of National Socialist ideology which affected German folklore scholaship between 1933 and 1945 most; in their period- and ideology-specificity they are also part of a language which, instead of reflecting reality, became a substitute for it. These almost unavoidable minor flaws apart, Dow and Lixfeld have, through the publication of this anthology, issued an invitation to those who were not there at the time or are not directly affected by the consequences of what happened, to take a closer look themselves and to abstain from simplistic, uninformed, generalised judgements.