Tartan Tinkers

Sandy Hobbs | Letters to Ambrose Merton # 16, 1998

Under the title “The tartan tinkers who turned into the real-life Deliverance Clans and brought terror and evil to every American state”, the Scottish newspaper, The Sunday Mail, on 22 November 1998 refers to criminal groups in the United States which originated in Scotland. The author Maggie Hall, writing from Washington DC, focused on the plight of Patsy Hart. She lives in daily fear for her life after having “rescued her two small boys from the horrors of life with the Con Clans”.

However, she believes it worthwhile if other children are saved from “the Deliverance-style inbreeding and incest of the degenerate tartan tinkers”.

These people are “degenerate Scots Americans” whose “secrecy and cunning put them virtually beyond the law”. According to Patsy Hart, Con Clan girls are married off at twelve to teenage cousins. So many deformed and mentally retarded children are born that the Clan, also known as the Travellers, are seeking “fresh meat”. Patsy Hart was offered £75,000 for her sons a day after marrying a Clansman.

“These families of Scots and Irish decent have created their own Gaelic-based ianguage called Cant … And with their ill-gotten millions they build Southfork-style mansions — and then live in caravans parked in ihe backyards …

“The Scots Con Clans were foundcd hy Robert Logan Williamson, who landed as immigrant in the 1890s. His only qualifications to help him prosper in the New World were the survival skills he’d used as a tinker plying his dubious trade around Glasgow and Edinburgh …

“In the Fifties, a trball elder called “Uncle Isaac Williamson used to claim “We can trace our blood back to the Picts” … The Williamson Clan became such a target for the police that most changed their last name.”

The name “Con Clan” comes from the fact that men clan members practice home-improvement scams.

The article cites many types of crime but states that a pending court case could be the first to end in one of the man being convicte.

Two features of this piece are remarkable. One is the fact that a Scottish newspaper should carrying such references to a Scottish group without conducting a little reaearch into the Scottish Travelling communities which have been such a fruitfull source for folklore collectors.

The second that the description of the travellers should be in terms which are close to racism. Assume all the accusations are true, would members of any other ethnic group have been described in such hostile terms in a mainstream newspaper?

Predicting the Baby’s Sex

Sanjay Sircar | Letters to Ambrose Merton # 27, 2002

Reading Gillian Bennett’s snippet of Roger Highfields letter on baby’s sex and mother’s ape in Letters to Ambrose Merton 25 prompted the following reflection.

In the mid 1960s in Calcutta my maternal aunt Mrs Bali Das (later Sundarji), in commenting on her pregnancies while she was carrying her daughter and then her son, said that “people say” that when a pregnant woman swells at the sides it indicates a daughter, and when she swells in front it indicates a son [or the reverse, for my memory does not serve me well in this regard]; however, the reverse had been the case wfth her pregnancies. This was the only time I heard an Indian woman talk about her pregnancies in mixed company, and the only time 1 heard this “lore”. At that time English-speaking Indians tended to use the word “expecting”, “pregnant” was considered “not quite nice”.

Urban Legends from India

Sanjay Sircar | Letters to Ambrose Merton # 25, 2001

Introduction

Folklorist A. K. Ramanujan says that “Even in the most anglicized, Hindu families or in large cities like Bombay and Calcutta, oral tales are only a grandmother away, a cousin away, a train ride away, and mostly no further away than the kitchen”, a point that would probably be thought to be even more likely to hold true for folklore other than folktale (Ramanujan, A. K. “Telling Tales”, Indian Horizons, 41: 4, 1992; 44: 2: 1995, 7-32, 8). Despite this reassuring claim, my own not untypical Anglicised urban middle-class and English-speaking (albeit non-normative in being Christian) childhood in Calcutta and Bombay (1955-1976) can attest to reception of very little oral traditional folk material, whatever that material may be defined to comprise.

The following is a compilation of all the largely Anglophone, urban, culturally hybrid, orally transmitted folk material from my memory of my own experience on the grounds that it is probably better to have some raw data than no data at all (for unless there is data in which to see patterns and meanings, no interpretation is possible).

An exclusive focus on the rural and the poorer peasant Indian “folk” material can obscure the existence of orally transmitted urban English-language (and thus automatically more middle-class) folklore. Anglophone Indians, who speak English as a first and primary language (for whatever reason), from many different (religious, linguistic) communities, existed long before the current efflorescence of local and diasporic South Asian writers (in some cases, indeed, these are first-generation English-speakers whose English has been primarily acquired through English-medium, Anglo-Indian or Roman Catholic schooling, and Indian Anglophone families snobbishly say “they’ve learnt English; we speak it”).

“Day, do you dream in English?” reported Mrs Shefali De, aged around 70, of British interlocutors and her father, a Bengali in Bihar, earlier years of this century (reported Canberra, Australia, c. 1993). “Are you sure you’re an Indian?” said British tea-planters to my father, who belonged to the first generation of commercial brown sahib “boxwallahs”, on tour in Assam in the 1940s. And predating Anglophone Indians are Anglo-Indians (always used here, not in the older sense of “Person from Britain whose life has been spent in India”, but in the sense of “Eurasian”, which is a derogatory word in India though not in Malaysia, Hong Kong etc.). Indian Christians (as distinct from the much earlier “the Syrian Christians” of Kerala), have existed from the early nineteenth-century onwards, and some urban middleclass Indian Christians are Anglophone (others fiercely vernacular-oriented). All these groups of course are at least bilingual to a greater or lesser degree. The efflorescence of Indian writing in English has evoked very mixed reactions in India (both from Anglophone and non-Anglophone sources); the English language in India, “the bastard child of Empire” sometimes “evokes…the kind of prejudiced reaction shown by some Indians towards the country’s community of ‘Anglo-Indians’ -that is Eurasians” (Salman Rushdie, “India and World Literature”, Introduction to The Vintage Book of Indian Writing, 1997, in Frontline, 14:16, Aug 22, 1997, 102); and Indian Christians (together with Christians in India) are currently the target of cultural and political attack as never before. Hence, because all three groups are tiny minorities, their “lore”, in English, in mixed-languages, or in the Indian vernaculars (possibly experienced at something of a distance), does not seem to have been thought worthy of attention. It deserves the systematic study it is unlikely to get.

Trains

The Boy On The Railway Tracks

There was a boy playing on the railway tracks. His father shouted to him, “Lie down flat!” He did, immediately and without question. A train was approaching,. and it passed over him and left him without a scratch. Such are the advantages of implicit and immediate obedience [“doing as you’re told when you’re told”, a teacher’s phrase heard only later in Australia – Brisbane, 19841

Source: my mother, told on the railway tracks at the riverside, on the small disused railway track on ghats of the River Hooghly, Calcutta, c. 1960. It was told not as if it were an invention, but as if the teller had heard of it, and as if it had happened. My childhood response: “His father should not have allowed to play on the railway tracks in the first place, and should have taken better care of him.”

“To Stop The Train, Pull The Chain”

There was an old lady. For the sheer excitement of it, she used to throw her necklace out of the window, scream, and pull the chain to call for the guard. [When she got known on various lines for her “habit”, she moved to others.]

Source: see below.

Blackmail

There was a gentleman who sat in a railway compartment, smoking a cigar. The only other occupant was a woman. She blackmailed him, saying that unless he bribed her, she would tear her clothes, scream and say that he tried to rape her. He engaged her in conversation, unperturbed, but would not give in. She finally fulfilled her threat. When she made her accusation, he pointed to the end of his cigar, showing the railway officials that the ash at the end, a very long bar of it, was still undisturbed, and so that he could not have assaulted her as she claimed.

Source: Both this and the preceding item were told in English, as “true stories”, the first by my mother Mrs Rani Sircar, the second by my father, Mr Ahoy Sircar in relation to his father, who did indeed work in the railways. It came as a great shock to me when I heard this, probably in Bombay around 1970, also told as a true story by Mr Bute Das, of my parents’ generation.

“This My Daughter Was Dead And Is Alive Again: She Was Lost, And Is Found”

Our “Aunt” Renuka, my father’s first cousin, was in a train-crash, thought to be in a compartment with her elder brother Sudhir and sister Renee who were instantly killed, but she was not. and was thrown out, and wandered the railway station for two days. On the third day, her father, a railway official, who had been in the train with his wife and baby son at the time of the crash and was completely unhurt, returned on some business to the railway station. He found his youngest daughter there, untouched, wandering there in a daze, but she can recall nothing of it.

Source: my father, early 1960s. The function of the story would have been to exemplify the mysterious workings of Providence, to reassure oneself that there is a pattern or a meaning to the things that happen, but it was never told as a “miracle” story, or with any religious overtones. In this case, the Railway taketh, and the Railway giveth back a portion of what it bath taken. It is now about 70 years old. Its ambit would have been the family and its connections and friends only, but I heard the tale long, long before I met its protagonist, Mrs Renuka (Mukherjee, Madar) David in 1969. Many upper-middle-class Indian Christians of his generation (including his brother-in-law, my paternal grandfather, and my maternal grandmother’s brothers), worked in the Railways, for the British adaptation of the Caste System made employment in the Railways one of the community occupations of Anglo-Indians, and in higher positions than they (so I am told), Indian Christians as well.

Horror Stories

The Scorpion

This is a Bengal urban/rural legend over generations: is it a source for the Western form?

There was once a bride; she was adorned for her wedding. She kept complaining, “my head itches, my head itches”; no-one would listen to her. As she walked the seven circles around the sacred fire behind her husband in the wedding ceremony, on the last circling, she fell to the ground – dead! It was a scorpion nesting in her head, or in the flowers in her elaborate coiffure.

Source: unknown; not heard from but discussed as a child with my maternal grandmother Khantabala (Ray) Krishnaswami (b. c. 1900, d.1986), C. 1964-1967; she knew it, knew that “everyone” in Bengal had heard of it, that the detail of the bride constantly saying that there was an itch in her head was crucial. It was “always” involves a scorpion. This Bengal nugget is more an urban myth motif than an urban myth proper, for it is not detailed enough or plotted enough to be called a tale proper. Nevertheless, it is obviously a Bengal form of the title American urban legend, in David Holt and Bill Mooney’s Spiders in the Hairdo: Modern Urban Legends, August House, where the beehive hairdo is sprayed so hard that spiders start to nest in it. Variations are listed in:

http://urbaniegends.about.comilibrary/blbyoll8.htm

(bugs, rats) and

http://www.snopes.comihorrors/vanities/hairdo.htm

(bugs, spiders, bees, centipedes) (updated 25/6/97), which says that in its American form this legend dates to the 1950s, is focussed on the dirtiness involved in looking glamorous, and that it moved from a current hairstyle to a woman wearing an out-of-date hairstyle, and then to a man wearing dreadlocks and complaining to the barber that the barber is nicking his head and leaving the barbers’ shop before the haircut is complete. The Bengal motif is not focussed on dirtiness and high fashionability, but it shares the feature of “constant complaints” with the dreadlocked man version. It is thus potentially focussed on the inadvisability being too busy or too preoccupied to investigate complaints of a general unpinned-down sense of unease, for they may turn out to be valid too late to do anything about them. Hence it may be a focus for self-pity as well (“No-one ever listens to me on anything”).

I have, however, never heard the nugget used in this way. My grandmother had no reason to misrepresent anything, so in this case, the core of the urban myth is older than the 1950s, and possibly of dian origin (as once so much folktale was claimed to be). The Indian bride’s death by scorpion-sting at the time of her wedding may hint at some significance over and above weddings being times at which girls are dressed up. The unhappy death at a particularly auspicious time (cf. the corresponding Indian motif of the ill-fated virgin widow) may indicate how particularly ill-fated the girl was and how unavoidable her fate, and may resonate with stories on the latter theme. In a tribal folktale from North East India which seems to reflect mainstream notions of fatedness, for example, all attempts to avoid the ride’s foretold death by the similar mechanism of snakebite (like the measures to avoid the Sleeping Beauty’s sleep by spindle-prick) are of no avail (“The Girl Fated to Die by Snakebite [Nagaland]”, in Folktales of India, ed. Brenda Beck, et. al. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1989, 29-31).

Note too scorpion folklore from my mother – “when a scorpion gets angry, it gets so angry that it stings its own tail and bites itself to death”.

The Cobra in the Sugar-Cane-Juice Machine

There were iron sugar-cane juice pressing-machines. Such machines were lined up in rows near the last horse-drawn carriages near the Auchterlony Monument, Calcutta, before it was the Shahid Minar, the Freedom-Fighters’ Martyrs Memorial. In my parents’ childhoods in North India, it was trundled from house to house. (In an age when vendors were willing to oblige in these ways, every time my maternal grandmother bought a few glasses of sugar-cane juice, she had the whole machine disassembled and the parts boiled in front of her.)

It was folklore that a cobra got into one of these machines and went to sleep, and when the handle was turned it was pressed out together with the sugarcane juice, and though it had an odd taste everybody drank the juice, and was poisoned to death as a result.

Source: family story, 1960s, referred to in talk of the old days and in talk of my grandmother’s cleanliness. Like the scorpion motif, this similar motif was never developed into a full story. I think that it was also a common motif, not just restricted to transmission in one family.

The Missing Kidney

There is much available material on urban myths of “organ thieves” (and one hears of poor villages in Asia where everyone has sold a kidney or an eye or similar organ to the wicked west). A similar but not identical account is the following.

There was a surgeon who asked a patient whether he had ever had any previous operations. The patient said no. The surgeon removed the kidney. He then [noticed a tiny scar and?] opened the other side of the back. The other kidney had been removed previously. There was then nothing that could be done. So they woke the patient up and asked “How do you feel?” He said “Fine. Never felt better.” Within the hour he was dead!! Moral: So a doctor always checks a patient’s case history and never takes a patient’s word for things.

Source: Mr K. Leslie, Campion, School, Bombay, 1969. Told as a true story. The teller tended to dwell on gruesome stories involving bodily organs, as in tales of how he had seen, during the World War II bombings (possibly in Madras or Bombay) people running down the street holding their intestines which were spilling out of their gashed-open stomachs. If his kidney story is a myth, as it seems to be, it was told at a time before organ transplants and stories of organ-selling and snatching were less common than they are now, so some form of this story might have been the source of organ-thievery myths Of indeed there is any connection between them).

The Hungry Baby Sitter

There was a baby-sitter who felt very hungry and looked in the store-cupboard to see what she could eat. She found packets of the most delicious potato chips she had ever eaten and ate the lot. When the parents returned she said that she had eaten the potato chips and “I hope you don’t mind”, ‘n’all”. They said, “No, no, not at all; the only thing is that our baby has leprosy, and those are the scabs”.

Source: Amita Maliye, Bombay, aged 16, from Cathedral School, Bombay, 1971. The initial situation of the story being anon-Indian one, and difficult to naturalise, it was told in English as a story obviously from abroad, not a “true” one, but just a disgusting one. Not many of these Western urban myths seem to have found their way to India in the 1960s and 1970s, or at any rate, to the circles I moved in, though this one did.

The Dak-Bungalow

An urban/rural horror story over generations, heard in English. A dak-bungalow was a British government travellers’ lodge; “dak” means “mail, post” in Bengali and Hindi.

There was once an official on tour. He stayed in a dak-bungalow. In the morning he noted with horror that the servant had hair on his palm (a sign of the uncanny, supernatural, evil, etc.). He left his breakfast uneaten, and rushed out to the bazaar. There, panting in horror, he went to buy fruit, and was asked by the vendor, “Why are you so perturbed?” He was about to answer, when he saw that the vendor also had hair on his palm. He rushed to a rickshaw, and asked to be taken out of the area. The rickshaw puller asked him what the trouble was. He told him of his two encounters with people with hair on the palm. The rickshaw puller turned round, help up his hand and smilingly asked “Like this?”. [The man jumped out and collapsed under the peepul tree.]

A tale-teller in a Bengali novel remarks, “I had read a good many stories about haunted dak bungalows… There are more stories of this sort in English than Bengali. Haunted dak bungalows are usually very old. The one I was in was new. Ghosts abhor new houses”: Sunil Gangopadhyaya, Achena Manush [Unknown Person], Calcutta: Biswabani Prakashani, 1972, p. 17.

Source of story: Dilip Panangadan, aged about 20, Calcutta, 1972; on his recounting it, my mother smiled and said that she had heard the “tale” in her childhood, and that it ended in her version with the “peepul tree” line. It follows the folktale incremental “rule of three” in its structure. Only heard twice. Note that the Indian English phrase for away “on tour”, dating from the Raj, is still “out of station”.

The Abducted Wife

You know the Elite Cinema on Corporation Street? Well, not quite in broad daylight, but one evening, just after the night/evening show, as a couple came out the cinema to get into their car, a polite group of young men, revolutionaries or simply anti-social elements, stopped them. Politely, the wife was abducted, politely, the husband told to return in the morning to the same place to get his wife back, and not to tell the police if he wanted to see her alive again. The husband agreed. What else could he do?

Source: Perhaps Mr Hiranmay “Ronu” Karlekar, later editor of a national newspaper, then aged around 30, but I cannot be sure; either 1967 or 1968. So, just while we were learning about Anglo-Indian lords, we were also experiencing — and making legends about — Communist horror. This urban legend was told in tones of hushed horror as a “true story” of the horrifying Naxalite period in Calcutta, the time of Maoist-inspired terrorism in West Bengal, c. 1968-1971, when law and order were under great stress, if not totally “breaking down”, as the rest of India claimed It was believed as a true story of signs of the times. It only became clear that it was most probably an urban legend when I heard it again in Bombay about Calcutta, in 1970, from the same Mr “Bute” Das, who told the cigar story above —indeed, I think, on the same evening. Hence, it obviously circulated very widely, and served in as Calcutta’s means of telling about its own paralysis in the face of its own horrors to itself, to Bombay, titillatingly horrified about Calcutta from across the subcontinent., and which said to people who had moved from Calcutta, “Oh, how happy, how grateful you must be to have been able to get away from the lawlessness, the goonda-ism [hooliganism!]”, as if we were refugees from Russia after the Revolution (heard quite often in Bombay, from the Norwegian Consul, neighbours, and even people accidentally met in shops, 1969 ff.).

The story was told in English both times I heard it. As is common with urban legend, the actual names of the people were never mentioned; I also think that the “friend of a friend” motif was not used in either telling. I think that both times the circumstantial detail was added that it occurred near the Elite Cinema. Corporation Street is now S N -Lanerjea Road. We lived in the old Whiteaway Laidlaw Store Building with the cmck-tower, now a ruin, just between the Metro Cinema of the cannibalism story above .nct the Elite Cinema of this abducted wife story. It is a wonder we ever went out and came back alive.

Kidnapping and Cannibalism

You know that Muslim restaurant on the right-hand side in the gully (= “lane”) beside the Metro Cinema in Calcutta? Well, dit was there that a gold ring was found in the mince – [or a finger with a ring on it found in the biriyani, and recognised as belonging to the kidnapped child by its parents -?].

Source: Mr Pervez Sohrabji, Parsee tea-planter, Loon Soong Tea Estate, Nowgong District, Assam, 1968.

This is only a nugget of urban folklore, a motif rather than an urban legend proper. I cannot remember whether the ring was recognised or not was told by an adult to children, in the presence of adults, so it would have had a fairly wide ambit, though I heard it only once. It is in the same general area as links the “kidnapper” story above, but with an unhappy ending, which presumably indicates the sad fate of those who do not beware kidnappers, or that sometimes precautions are in vain, or (if the ring was recognised) some parents finally get to know the sad fate of their lost children.

Evading the Kidnapper

This urban legend was heard in English.

There is a girl who lives in “our building”. One day, on her return school, just at the cigarette stall at the entrance, a respectable servant-looking man approached her and said, “Your parents were of course out at work as you know, but they have been called to your grandmother who has fallen ill, and I am her new servant who has been sent to take you to your grandmother’s house.” The clever girl thought to herself “This is very odd, because my grandmother does not live in Calcutta”, but said that she would just put her schoolbags down with the liftman inside the building compound and return. Entering the compound, she screamed out, “Somebody has tried to kidnap me”, and the durwans and chowkidars and liftmen all rushed out, but the man had gone.

Source: Mrs Shanti Raghavan, Calcutta, 1964. The building said to be Queens Mansion, once a very handsome building, now decrepit. The story too slick to be true, the girl never named, the story thus probably an urban cautionary legend to children never to speak to strangers etc, as an anxiety-containing device. Similar stories were very common among urban Anglophone Calcutta children under ten years in the 1960s.

Other Motifs From a Time of Horror

It was the same Naxalite period during which “everybody heard” that the total breakdown of law and order in universities gave rise to the following:

  • Students would stick knives in their desks in front of them and dare invigilators to do anything about it as they copied answers holus-bolus from books for their examinations.
  • Student union gangs with large numbers of non-student ganglords used to enter university examination halls and say that they offered their good wishes that everything would go well and peacefully and that they were coming round for contributions for charitable causes from their examinees.
  • Answer sheets were sent out for marking to dead examiners, sometimes not sent out at all (in many cases the university did actually lose answer sheets and give student “average marks” in lieu of actual examination results), and that the lost sheets were found instead economically recycled into paper-bags used by peanut vendors and sellers of “dalmot” in (a spiced dry snack, called “mixture” in English.

At least the first of these motifs (knife-in-desk) lived on in popular parlance till at least 1990, when I heard an Anglophone Indian student of a much later generation recount it to me in Canberra about those years.

Dacoits Giving Advance Warning

In a Bengal country town, Midnapore (now Medinipur), not even the wild, lawless jungles, the bandits (dacoits) used to come marauding. Oddly, they would send messages about the dates that their raids would be made, so that people could prepare the materials for them to carry away. Yet they seemed to come at night ( as I recall). The police did not seem to figure in this scheme of things. On one such raid, my grandmother fled out of the house in fear and sat down on an anthill, and was severely bitten.

Source: my mother, Calcutta, early 1960s, on her mother, Midnapore, turn of the century, told it in English. Then, in 1970, my mother’s first cousin whom I had never before seen, Mr Bana Bihari Das, the son of my maternal grandmother’s eldest sister Mrs Nanibala (Ray) Das, began to tell me this when I first met him. It would have had a fairly wide ambit over the generations, among a family spread over Bengal and Orissa. It would have served to exemplify to urban children the great differences between life in a country town at the turn of the century, and urban Calcutta in the latter part of the century.

Family Folklore

When we were children, my father used to tell us “a Kaku story” every evening after dinner, in English, Kaku being his maternal grandmother, Mrs Hemantakumari Misra (nee Ray), and the stories being his family stories. Unfortunately we remember only two of them today.

One Who Was Lost A Found

Our “Aunt” Renuka, my father’s cousin, was in a traincrash, thought to be in a compartment with her elder brother and sister who were instantly killed, and wandered the railway station for two days. Her father, a railway official, who had been in the train with his wife and baby son at the time of the crash and was completely unhurt, returned on some business to the railway station two days later and found his youngest daughter there, untouched, wandering there in a daze.

This was never told as a “miracle” story, or with any religious overtones.

The Loyal Mongoose

This story is blurred, but its outlines remain.

Kaku had a pet mongoose. It used to accompany her like a dog, and leapt up at he in affection, often, as she said “Ah, what are you doing! Down, down, I say” in Bengali (as one would to a child or a dog). One day, she entered the store-room, and this time the mongoose would not be subdued, though she slapped it hard. As she turned, out came a cobra, ready to bite her, and was attacked by the mongoose.

Though I think folk wisdom says that the mongoose always wins, I cannot remember whether this story has the mongoose dying (and thus replicating the folktale loyal animal being killed for its loyalty) or living and being rewarded (see Stuart Blackburn, “The Brahmin and the Mongoose: the Narrative Context of a Well-travelled Tale”, Bulletin of the School of African and Oriental Studies, 59: Part 3, 1196, 494-507). However the woman treating the mongoose with great affection, then disdain at the point at which it was doing its filial duty, and the duty being done, remain in this family form or real historical analogue (given that mongooses fight snakes) of the tale proper.

A Haunted House

Just after their marriage, my maternal grandparents rented a house in Madras. Every evening my grandfather used to fall asleep at 8 o’clock over dinner, and could not be roused. He found my grandmother crying in a corner. She was unable to explain what she was doing there or why. They heard the voice of a maidservant who had gone back to her village calling out, where no maidservant was. A servant tried to strangle my grandmother for her jewellery. When she became pregnant, a neighbour came sand said, “You should leave that house – no married woman who has stayed there for any length of time has left that house alive!” They moved.

Family story, date c. 1926. Told by my maternal grandfather, grandmother, mother. Most families, including Anglo-Indian ones, have such “tales of the supernatural in India”.

Providence Looks After Fools

In either Madras or Lahore, at any rate somewhere outside Bengal, an unknown woman came to the door of a morning, saying that she was a Bengali and had come, as one member of the Bengali community to another, to my maternal grandmother, to borrow kansha (valuable bell metal) utensils for a wedding in the family. Full of community spirit, my grandmother trustingly gave her the utensils, but on his return in the evening, my (non-Bengali) grandfather resignedly said that she would never see the valuables again. Yet that evening a doctor came to visit who worked in the public hospitals, and knew the lower ways of life in the city. Indeed, he knew this particular woman and her skills at confidence trickery, and he even knew the pawnshop she frequented. He led my grandfather to the pawnshop – and there were the valuables all intact.

Source: my mother and grandfather, in English, early 1960s on an incident in the 1930s. It was told among the family and the friends of the family, but would not have had a particularly large ambit.

Dressing-Up

Light-hearted, charming, flute- and harmonica-playing Great-Uncle Buru could not go down certain streets in his youth because he would be caught by the tailors for suits that he hadn’t paid for. Once, he boarded with a family where the lady of the house was a “childish, simple woman”, and one morning, he dressed-up as a Kabuliwala, an Afghan (Pathan) moneylender, huge and threatening and bearded. He came and spoke in a loud fearsome voice to her, “Where is the money you owe me? ” (or somesuch). When the trick was revealed, she giggled in glee. But then a real Kabuliwala came by one day, minding his own business and walking down the street. And she rushed out and said in childish glee, “Ami JAAni tumi BOO-ru – ami JAAni tumi BOO-ru” — “1 know you are Buru” (in something like the “nyan-nyan-nya-nya_-nya” cadence so familiar the word over), and he, not used to be rushed at by Indian housewives rushing out and dancing around, was much perturbed. Respectable women did not rush out beyond their gates and start prancing around in laughter in those times.

Source: heard from the protagonist, whole real name I never knew, brother of my paternal grandmother , on his visit to Calcutta, ce 1961, re-heard in Bombay from his daughter, Bombay, 1968, who said “I know my [deceased] father’s stories.”.

Disguise as a Kabuliwala is a motif in popular cinema, e.g. the Hindi Tumsa Nahin Dekha with Shammi Kapoor in black and white and the late 1.950s or early 1960s. Angela Brazil has the motif of a disguise-trick in one of her school-stories, so this is a case of art and life truly reflecting each other.

Taboos and Sexism

The mistress of a house habitually ordered her manservant to fill receptacles with water so that she could make her ablutions and wash herself after micturation or defaecation at night, and constantly checked whether the water had been placed in the lavatory The manservant saw this as an affront to his male honour, mixed chilli powder in with the water, and his mistress got the point and never asked him again.

Source: my maternal grandfather, Rev. Paul Aiyaiyengar Krishnaswami Iyengar, Calcutta, c. 1963, told as a true story of from Tamil Brahmin community of his childhood, but unlikely to be one. The teller laughed as he told it, and repeated the dialogue in Tamil, even though his hearer (me) did not understand it. It may not have been told to inculcate traditional gender roles and taboos, but these were not questioned in the telling of the tale either.

Anglo-Indian Urban Pride Motifs

Hair Turned White

Teacher is not old. Teacher was a nurse during the War, and when the Japanese bombed teacher’s hair turned white overnight in one night.

Source: Miss Woodsell, La Martiniere, Calcutta, 1964.

Community Pride

Hearing two sahebs saying. “I’m an Oxonian” and “I’m a Cantabridgian”, in the park, the Anglo-Indian gentleman got up from his bench and said “Oxonian? Cantabridgian? Ha! I’m a Bow-Bazayrian”, and shut them up with that highsounding word

(Bow [Bou/Bohu] Bazar is an area in Calcutta, with the Welland Goldsmith School in it, and presumably with once an Anglo-Indian community.)

Manmohan: Not In Any Biography of Oscar Wilde

In the lecture on onomastics in “The Blessed Damozel” generation after generation of students at Presidency College, Calcutta, were told the story that when Manmohan Ghose, the man who apparently chose the decoration of the title page of The Golden Treasury, was at Oxford, Oscar Wilde, on hearing the name, went off into an aesthetic trance, murmuring to himself, “Man-mohan, Man-mohan,” at the sheer beauty of the name (which in fact means “mind-entrancer”), and that he flung his arms around the said Manmohan.

Source: Mr Asoke Kumar Mukherji, Presidency College, Calcutta, 1974, and many a year before and since, so it would have had a very wide ambit in Calcutta.

“Know Its Meaning Before You Use A Word”

X was the sort ofAnglicised Indian woman who did not know Bengali, and said, making polite conversation in Bengali one day, “I hear that your brother is a lampat [pronounced lompot],” a word which she did not know meant “debauch”. “No, no, my brother is no lampat,” came the indignant answer. “Who dares say he is a lampat?!” [Addition, as told by me over the years: “Why, A and B and C, a very lampat of lampats, they called him, and they all said it and with one voice, in total accord!” And thus, the truth conveyed by one who did not know Bengali destroyed many a Society friendship.]

Source: the same as the following.

“Judge Not a Native by The Draperies”

Sir Ashoka Roy’s name would have been spelt “Ashok” in modern times, for the final -a is technically correct, and appears in the history books at the end of the historical Emperor Ashoka’s name; but it is also technically there at the end of many an Indian name, and silent, and unrepresented; in the case of Sir Ashoka Roy, indeed, it was pronounced — and thus rendered the name into one of the feminine gender to an Indian ear, whatever “Er-SHO-kah”, as they said it then, sounded to a British one. Now, Sir Ashoka Roy, whose daughter’s vast trunkfuls of jewellery passed to her daughter (and a very fast daughter she was too), had a large son with a lisp, a softie if ever there was one. We, his college mates, took him to the tailor – and a very Society tailor he was too – and ordered large quantities of clothing on his account, promising to pay him back, which of course we never did. One day, in the university examination hall, in came a Native in Draperies. And the Native in Draperies said to him, “The bell has just rung; put down your pen.” To show off how aristocratic and English-speaking he was, and how strong and powerful, the son rose to his full height behind the desk, leaned forward and lisped slowly and threateningly in English, “Want a Thock in the jaw?” He probably took the Native to be one of the functionaries who came round to sew the examination answer-books and the loose sheets together [a practice still current in the 1970s, long after the stapler had been invented], or a similar one.

And the Native in Draperies turned out, of course, to be the Vice-Chancellor, who had seen his old friend’s son from the corridor, and come into the hall to provide a little avuncular encouragement. All hell then broke loose. Sir Ashoka Roy had a very thin, high voice, and I can remember him shrieking, “Buku [his son’s nicknamefi Tui ki bhabchhili? [What were you thinking of? J. Dekhe dekhe Vice-Chancellor-ke apaman korechhish – ‘want a sock in the jaw?’ bolechhish! [Of all people, you carefully picked out the Vice-Chancellor to insult, and said to him, ‘want a sock in the jaw?’ …Jai Giye jail khatish! [Go to jail, then!]…” and so on, and I remember how Buku mumbled in response, “Ami ki jantam Vice-Chancellor?” [Did I know he was the Vice-Chancellor?’]”.

Source: Mr Manuj Chatterjee, a Bengali, about ten years older than my father, Bombay, 1970. The “lampat” story and this one were probably told in sequence on the same evening, or very similar ones, both in a mixture of Bengali and English — in these cases there was a preponderance of Bengali sentences, and only a few English ones, though the word “softie” was indeed used. The names of the personages in both stories were given, but I have forgotten them. However, if it ever reads the above, Calcutta Society will probably remember, and be able to fill them in, even today. Both are instances of “hardened gossip” which would have circulated within a smallish group, but Mr Chatterjee worked in advertising and told a good tale, so this Amy would probably been told among his large circle of expatriate Bengalis in Bombay, as well as friends and relatives in Calcutta. I cannot place the date of either story, but the events they tell of occurred before the teller went to the U.K. to study, and about the time when his younger paternal uncle’s wife, the Madwoman of Macleod Street, a notorious miser, was besotted with cinema stills of Rudolph Valentino.

The teller did not recount the incidents exactly as above (I have re-rendered them in my own style, in the manner in which I have told them in subsequent years), nor were they told in the conscious context of talking about Indian English. But all the elements above were present in the original telling, and they retrospectively, they are indeed “about” that subject as much as anything else.

His Lordship

Once, very recently, there was an ordinary Anglo-Indian, the ordinary sort whose people would say “I say m’n, what you got from the bazaar this morning,- give us a taste, I’m coming over for hazri”, who got a letter in the mail one morning, and it was from an English firm of solicitors saying that he was the last scion of a noble line and was now Lord So-and-So. When he went to the U.K. to assume his rightful place, he did not pretend to be anything other than he was, asked about manners and customs alien to him, moved quietly and offended nobody.

Source Mr Rudolph Roderigues, teacher, La Martiniere, Calcutta, 1968. This was told by a schoolmaster to his pupils, so it would have had a fairly wide ambit, for he would have told it more than once, and his pupils passed it on among their own friends. It may possibly have been told among Anglo-Indians, but, if so, I never heard it from any other source. Mr Roderigues is still alive, and if anyone is interested, I will find out where he is, and ask him about the truth of this tale. Neither the man nor his new title were ever named, and we would surely have heard of it from other sources if there was actually such a person or occurrence, so this story is very probably an urban legend which clearly serves a wish-fulfilment function for a community that traditionally longed to be white and to be accepted as such. The “recently” underlines its post-Independence status.

Its wishfulfilment has two components. First, it incarnates the desire to turn out to belong to a more prestigious country and class than one’s own, and per courtesy of one’s own moral virtue, to be accepted in that country and class — the core of Frances Hodgson Burnett’s similar fantasies of national and social mobility, Little Lord Fauntleroy (1885) and T. Tembarom (1913, the same plot reworked with an adult hero).

Second, it incarnates the desire, per courtesy of one’s social status, to “jump race” as well, to turn out to be in effect both “white” and “noble white”. “Jumping race” is the concern of Mark Twain’s The Tragedy of Pudd’nhead Wilson (1894), with its mixed-race movements between classes and races, where, in the end, when true identities are discovered, the traditional social order is restored. In Twain’s work, one mixed-race and white-skinned slave baby, with one-thirty-second part of “nigger” blood in him and so technically black, is switched in his cradle with one free white baby from a moneyed family. The career of the rightful white heir seems to teach the greater force of environment than heredity, for the white brought up as a black is shambling and insecure when he returns to his rightful place. Yet the career of the mixed-race “black” seems to indicate that “blood” and inherited moral/racial weakness will tell over the influences of environment, so Twain’s position on heredity and environment is ultimately unclear, and still debated.

This urban legend reverses Twain’s pattern of the mixed-race person’s ultimate subordinate place in the traditionally “correct” social/racial order. When the Anglo-Indian is suddenly both transported “home” and elevated to high position (like Little Lord Fauntleroy), he also in effect crosses into complete whiteness (his social position rendering him white), and stays there, unlike Twain’s mixed-race black character. The urban legend thus seems to teach a moral like Mrs Hodgson Burnett’s (but not identical to it), and unlike Twain’s — how modesty and willingness to learn, be they inherently racial or inherently personal or the results of a good, sensible upbringing, are very useful in rising in society.

White Slavers Still Extant

This urban myth is heard only in English.

There are people who say to innocent young Anglo-Indian girls that they are very attractive and -will just fit the bill for international cabaret acts as dancers, if they just sign this contract and come away on a ship going to… South America?

Source: Mr Rudolph Roderigues, teacher, La Martiniere, Calcutta, 1968, oddly enough to a class of thirteen-year old boys. The term “white slaver” was not used. There were and are entrenched and ineradicable pan-Indian systems of procurement of women in India, but this was not told to us in reference to social evils.

Anglicised Indian High Society

These stories widely were told then, and still not forgotten.

At The Planters’ Club

Members of the U.S. army were stationed at the Darjeeling Club during World War 11, was commonly called the Planters’ Club, and since it was built on land donated by the Maharajahs of Burdwan and Gooch Bihar). It was always a mixed club, which admitted Indians). And an old Indian dowager [name forgotten] stationed herself in the dining room early each morning, before the officers came into breakfast, and deliberately scrutinised them all with a lorgnette (or quizzing-glass). Getting tired of the routine of one side of her face eye screwed up, going down as the side of her face, eye glaring through the glass, the officers bribed the bearers (waiters) to let them in earlier than she. And when she entered, with perfectly military timing, up went their porridge spoons over eyes as glaring eyes as hers. She never used the lorgnette again.

Source: Mrs Sheila Rao, Calcutta, 1973.

Fancy Dress

Mrs Kutty Ramanair, a wild socialite whose husband, an engineer, Baby, designed her blouses during the “old Three Hundred club days” (i.e. a club whose entry deposit was Rs. 300, then a vast sum) won a fancy-dress party competition simply by announcing for months beforehand that her costume would be so fabulous that she would win it. The costume itself was very disappointing, consisting of a piece of gauze over her face, for she said she had come as The Painted Veil (The Somerset Maugham novel). On askng how the gauze was painted, remarked Mrs Rao, “The veil was not painted, but Nutty more than made up for it underneath.” And speaking of clever costumes, my mother herself won a fancy-dress party competition over much more elaborate customs, by taking in an empty matchbox and going in as “The Matchless Matchmaker” (Calcutta, 1950s).

Sources: My mother and Mrs Sheila Rao. Calcutta, 1973 on India in the 1950s.

Others

Other stories such as The Postcards in Two Different Handwritings and The Bright Young Things and Their Fake Seances are also remembered and tellable.

Faithful Old Servants

Instances of general narratives and motifs in standard conversations about them with set-piece components

Their Charges never Grow Up

When my father returned from Calcutta to Lahore, for a holiday after taking his first job in Calcutta, the old sweeper who had looked after him, came into the drawing room after dinner at 8 o’clock to take him off to bed, just as had been the case in his infancy. (Lahore, before 1947).

One evening, my maternal aunt, then a grown woman and teaching in school, dined alone in her parents’ house. And the servant (old Balakrishnan?) began a long rambling story of one Mr N N Sen and his going painting in the jungle and being watched by a tiger from a few ,feet away without realising it. The story, told in South Indian “butler English and Tamil” went on forever, and seemed pointless. She realised at the end that he was telling her the story to make her eat her dinner (Madras, 1950s).

As a young girl, the same aunt used to call out in English, to one Dinabandhu Jyoti, a very recalcitrant servant, “Danny! Danny boy! The pipes are calling”, at which he ran to her, as he would run to no-one else. Three decades later when he did the same thing, he ran similarly (Calcutta, 1976).

Love Letters

This has achieved the status of folklore among some Bengali middle-class Indian Christians.

When Nakul came to Calcutta he asked his mistresses young niece, Miss Kalyani Som, from a very old and educated Bengali Christian (Congregational) family, to write his letters home to his newly married wife in the village. When asked what he wanted said, he said “say whatever you like, whatever you think fitting “, so she wrote “I am missing you dreadfully” etc.

Aprocryphal addition: Not having ever been married, Miss Som thought “oh yes, “By beloved is mine and 1 am hers!…Behold who stands at the wicket gate! Thy breasts are like apples of Gaza, thy thighs are like cedars of Lebanon” and thus plagiarised the Song of Songs for the correspondence, at which the wife wrote back saying that she had no idea that he was so fond of her, and to temper the sentiments he expressed for the benefit of the village elders who read the letters out to her.

Source: Miss Kalyani Som, Calcutta, 1966; with .Idditions subsequently. There is a Thomas Hardy story with a similar Cyrano de Bergerac motif, of a literate woman writing love-letters for an illiterate maidservant with whom the addressee then falls in love.

Aren’t They Loyal?

When an Oriya Christian married an Assamese Christian Bengali Calcutta, the manservant of the former (Dan!) married the maidservant of the latter, just as in traditional Renaissance comedies. Master and mistress communicated in English, the servitors in sign-language and Bengali.

Source: My mother: Mrs Rani Sircar, Calcutta, c. 1966.

It was a custom, before and just after independence, Mai mothers or grandmothers of young servants would come to their mistresses early in their employment and say that the memsahib should scold and punish the boys as hard as possible (to indicate the employer being in the place of the family, which would do likewise).

Source: personal observation, Calcutta, c. 1961; Mrs Hamilton Senior, Sydney, on Poona in the 1940s.

Stories such as this are current in many middle-class families. They all seem to be ways in which the servant-employing classes contain their guilt at the social system which grinds people down in servitude.

How Lucky They Are

It was a often common subject for conversation that Anglicised Indians never saw the West, while servants did. Indeed, when U.S. immigation laws allowed for immediate family and “a cousin” to accompany people going to work in the US in the 1970s, often a servant went as “the cousin”.

My maternal aunt’s Oriya sweeper had been all over the world as a cleaner on the P&O liners, and regaled her with stories of how he ate his lunch on the ship, and then took buses all over such ports as Baltimore to see the sights. “Which Oriya sweeper would spend a penny if he could avoid it?”, commented my aunt (Calcutta, c. 1974). Of Oriya sweepers, who worked for whites and Anglicised Indians in Calcutta, the employers’ stereotypes was that they were servants perfect for whites, for “in fifteen minutes they can make things look clean, without actually being clean.” Of this community it was also said that when they could they tried to pass as Hindustanis from the North, not as Oriyas from Orissa, below Bengal. Oddly, they used to speak in Hindi to Bengalis, though Bengali is closer to Oriya, their mother tongue.


Editorial Note: This contribution has been edited from a much longer collection of lore which Sanjay Sircar has circulated.

Urban Legends from India: Errata

Letters to Ambrose Merton # 26, 2001

As explained at the end of the item, the collection of urban legends from India appears in LTAM 25 had been edited down from a much longer file supplied by Sanjay Sircar. Unfortunately in the course of producing a document of publishable size, some errors were made. Our- apologies for these. The items, “Manmohan”, “Know its meaning” and “Judge not a native by the draperies” should not have appeared in the section “Anglo-Indian Urban Pride Motifs” as they concern Anglidsed Indian high ‘society. in addition, the story of “Aunt Renuka” appeared in two different versions.

The Crocodile from Paris Again

Veronique Campion-Vincent | Letters to Ambrose Merton # 6, 1996

Veronique Campion-Vincent has sent us an unidentified clipping from an unidentified French newspaper, dated January 1996. It concerns the crocodile rescued from the sewers of Paris, discussed in Dear Mr Thoms 36: 13–15. The crocodile, captured in 1984, now resides in the aquarium at Vannes in Britanny and the story concerns the need to move it into a larger tank. Initially it was about 80 centimetres long and was put in a tank with turtles. However, it has grown considerably since then. The article claims that it could reach seven metres when fully grown.

The article describes the difficulties faced by the biologist, Pierre-Yves Bouis, who was in charge of Ihe crocodile's tank. he had twelve tries at lassoing the crocodile's jaws shut before managing to hoist it onto a stretcher to make Ihe move.

SH notes: This tells us little more than that the aquarium probably ha quite an effective press officer. However, most interesting from the point of view of contemporary folklore is the brief account given of the crocodile's origins. he was "saved by firemen from the sewers of Paris. near the Pont Neuf, where his previous owner had rid of him".

In reality. we do no know how the crocodile got into the sewer. It may have been abandoned by its owner. However, describing the location as "near the Pont Neuf" conceals another possibility, namely that it was an escapee from a pet shop. The sewer ran under the Quai de la Megisserie, renowned as a centre for the sale of exotic plants and animals.

Another French Crocodile

Sandy Hobbs | Letters to Ambrose Merton # 3, 1995

Dear Mr Thorns… carried a number of items about crocodiles in France, summed up in "The Crocodile from Paris" (No. 36, pp. 13-15). Veronique Campion-Vincent has sent us a copy of an article in the popular French newspaper, France-Soir, 8th June 1995. Entitled "Cache-Cache Croco å Bry-sur-Marne" (Hide-and-Seek Crocodile at Bry-sur-Marne), it deals with a sighting the previous day in the Eastern suburbs of Paris. We cannot hope to convey the distinctive colloquial style of France-Soir writing. However, the key points of the article are as follows.

The alarm was raised at ten o'clock in the morning of 7th June. Two municipal police officers went and were able to verify with their own eyes that a crocodile was "having a dip" in the river Marne, near 101 quai Louis-Ferber. It was between one and a half and two metres long. Witnesses reported seeing it eat a waterfowl.

Gendarmes, firemen, river police, soldiers and a vet were called called to the scene. The crocodile had taken refuge on an island (called "Amour"!) in the river. Unsuccessful attempts were made to lure the crocodile with bait.

The origins of this "handbag on legs", as France-Soir calls it, are unknown. One theory is that it has escaped from the home of a local enthusiast for exotic pets. A gendarme was quoted as saying that it might have been abandoned by people about to go on holiday, which, he says, happens to tortoises imported from Florida. According to this gendarme, a few months previously, a dead crocodile had been discovered in a pare at Chanpigny, also in the Eastern suburbs of Paris. However, the present crocodileu is "very much alive".

As a security measure, canoing on the river Marne was suspended.

The Supernatural Female as Carrier of Disease in Medieval Welsh Tradition

Juliette Wood | Letters to Ambrose Merton # 5, 1996

The Aids virus is the subject of numerous contemporary legend narratives at the moment and the prevalence of these narratives has caught the interest of folklore researchers. (“Welcome to the World of Aids: Fantasies of Female Revenge” Western Folklore 1987 46, 192–197.) One of the most dramatic of these narratives is the story of a man who has sex with a woman and wakes the next morning to find a message scribbled in lipstick on his mirror welcoming him to the Aids club. Central to this legend is the image of a personified female plague carrier and the moral ambiguity (to say the least) of the actions of the male character. The characterisation of Aids as a modern plague with moral implications for the society which it afflicts has a number of historical precedents. The narrative too, at least as far as it personifies the disease, has earlier parallels.

My concern is solely with a small number of Welsh examples which attached themselves to the figure of an historical sixth-century Welsh king, Maelgwn Gwynedd. Maelgwn is mentioned by the monk Gildas in his De Exidiae Britanniae. The fame of this work rests on the fact that Gildas
and Maelgwn, both unassailably historical figures, would have been contemporaries of King Arthur, a more famous figure by far, but one whose historicity is in doubt. Maelgwn’s legendary persona touches on the development of the legend of King Arthur in Wales and Britain and indeed Maelgwn as hero may have been displaced by the increasing popularity of King Arthur legends. (Juliette Wood, “Maelgwn Gwynedd: A Forgotten Welsh Hero” Trivium Vol. 19 1984, 103–17) Nevertheless, Maelgwn’s death as a result of plague demonstrates an interesting interplay of historical fact and
legendary fiction in which a personified plague figure plays an important role. In the Annales Cambriae Maelgwn’s death from plague is mentioned as occurring in 547 “Mortalitas magna inqua pausat mailcun rex gene dotae” (great mortality in which died Maelgwn king of north Wales). Kingly deaths were important events. As they often died violently, those who died of natural causes or disease were in themselves unusual. The
early manuscripts of Annales Cambriae however, say nothing more than that Maelgwn died of plague. Later sources however develop the circumstances surrounding his death. In a copy of Annales Cambriae made at the end of the thirteenth century, the original entry has been expanded to “Mortalitas magna fuit in Britannia in qua pausat Mailcun rex Genedotae. Unde dicitur ‘Hir hun Mallgun en llis Ros.’ Tunc fuit lallwelen.” (There was great mortality in Britain in which Maelgwn king of north Wales died. Thence it is said ‘the long sleep of Maelgwn in the Court of Rhos’ then there was a yellow plague.) (John Cule “Pestis Flava: Y Fad Felen” pp. 141–155 in Wales and Medicine ed. J. Cule, Gwasg Gomer, 1973)

Maelgwn’s impious and boastful behaviour was castigated by the monk Gildas. His death is not mentioned in Gildas’ writings, although these are close to Maelgwn’s historical floruit. Maelgwn’s choleric reputation followed him into the later body of Welsh saints’ lives. As a symbol of temporal power, he, impiously and unsuccessfully, challenges the miraculous power of the Welsh saints. His death too, begins to attract legendary elements. He is said to have retreated to Deganwy Church, the main church in what was to all intents and purposes his capital city, to escape Y Fad Felen (The Yellow Plague) usually identified as pestis flava (Cule pp. 141-15 5). Maelgwn, in a move consistent with the impiety and daring of his character as depicted by Gildas and the Saints’ Lives, looks through the church keyhole and sees the plague. Catching sight of the creature is suffident to nullify the safety afforded by the Church and Maelgwn dies. The adventures of the magician-poet Taliesin are recorded in the Hanes Taliesin, a work dating from the beginning of the sixteenth century, although based on earlier tales. Taliesin tells an arrogant and obstreperous Maelgwn that a supernatural creature will emerge from a marsh, Morfa Rhianedd, and will cause Maelgwn’s death. Iolo Morganwg, the great eighteenth-century inventor of Welsh folklore, links this with Y Fad Felen and as his comments on the subject were published as part of Charlotte Guest’s very influential edition of The Mabinogion in the nineteenth century, the incident became widely known. (Cule pp. 148-49, 150, 154-55) In this instance, however, Iolo’s story is substantiated by references in the work of earlier scholars. Robert Vaughan of Hengwrt in the seventeenth century notes several traditions about Maelgwn including one that he died after seeing Y Fad Felen through a hole in the church door where he had gone to protect himself from the plague. (Cule, 150, 154-55)

Several references to a plague demon, this time even more clearly female, were noted by nineteenth-century Welsh folklorists. Both John Rhys and Jenkins mention a creature called Gwrach Y Rhibyn. (John Rhys, Celtic Folklore (1901) rpr. Wildwood House London, 1985 pp. 81, 463) The accounts do not tally in every detail, but the image is of a preternaturally thin, cadaverous female, associated with blasted marshy areas who brings death, sometimes through ague, sometimes just by her appearance. Long black teeth are mentioned in one account, and Rhys compares her with another banshee-like figure, Y Cirhireath. He also offers a suggestion for the meaning of her epithet, Y Rhibyn which provides a link to the preternatural thinness. The term, he says, is used to describe the stick which is placed over the hayrick as a base for the thatch. Although these figures do not tally in every detail with Maelgwn’s Yellow Plague, the implications arc nevertheless suggestive. Thinness, and images of starvation, in particular when associated with supernatural female figures, arc linked in all these cases to death and in particular death from disease. One might also add that in Pembroke the terms craf sgin or craf sgin starvo are applied to the phantom funeral phenomena. Here again, ideas of cadaverous appearance and wasting are associated with death portents.

The notice of Maelgwn’s death as a result of a plague adds to our knowledge of events in fifth-century Britain. The legend that had crystallised about this event by the thirteenth century and was repeated in stories about the Gwrach Y Rhibyn in the nineteenth suggests a series of links between moral behaviour, gender and disease which are echoed in modern narratives concerning Aids.

Papal Bulls: More On Howler Collecting

Sandy Hobbs and David Cornwell | Letters to Ambrose Merton # 2, 1996

in our previous contribution we described the emergence of collections of “howlers” in Britain (Cornish, 1886) and the United States (LeRow, 1887, Twain, 1887), following which the publication of such comic errors became common. We would like to draw attention to three features of howler collecting. These have to do with the authenticity of the examples, the purposes of the collections, and the possible shaping of the howlers they record.

First, both Cornish and Twain take the trouble to assert that the errors quoted are genuine. Why should they do this, unless on previous occasions when they have cited them — orally, say, or in private correspondence — they found some resistance on the part of the audience? This practice of proclaiming the authenticity of the items in a collection became almost universal subsequently. For example, the Journal of Education, publishing a list of “Fresh Howlers” stated that they were “warranted genuine by the sender” (Anonymous, 1898:102). The editor of the Pocket Book of Boners (1941) expressed “profound contempt” for the “doubting Thomases" who suspect that some have been manufactured (Anonymous, 1941:X). Cecil Hunt (1951:5) denies suggestions that he has invented any howlers. “The genuine supply is ample", he says. Gregory (1977:9) claims, in any cases, that “a connoisseur has little trouble spotting the fakes".

Thus the assertion of the authenticity of one’s own collection is sometimes coupled with a claim that items cited elsewhere are not authentic. Strachan (1930:9) states that examples appear in the press which are “obviously artificlal", whilst Thomson (1935:144) says of such examples that they “smell too much of the lamp". Occasionally, an editor will acknowledge that a few items are “not uncut gems” (Hunt, 1951:5) or, as Muir (1986:7) less coyly states, “some are apocryphal” and have “grown in the telling”.

Yet, when one notes how frequently editors acknowledge the help of an earlier printed source or of a correspondent, one may doubt whether these collectors are really in a position to “guarantee” items collected initially by others. To put it bluntly, they have to rely on the word of the previous collector. Collectors of howlers are not normally seeking to meet the standards of some academic discipline, and there is circumstantial evidence that some howlers have circulated pretty much as folklore does. Before leaving this point, we must note too, that some editors’ claims to have gathered their material themselves is open to doubt. One writes that “over the years I have collected schoolboy howlers…here are the best” (Brandreth, 1983:2l2). However, when one examines the list of 100 one discovers that two groups, totaling 56 in all, which are virtually identical with items published by Gregory (1977) and are even printed in the same order!

Both Cornish and Twain, whilst seeking openly to amuse their readers, also claim to have some seriousness of purpose too. Cornish (1886:619) expressed the hope that his attempt to classify boys’ blunders would “prepare the way for a scientific study of a most interesting subject”. Twain, on the other hand is more concerned with the light which the mistakes shed on issues of educational policy. The proper object of our laughter is not so much the pupil or even the teacher, but the policy makers, “the unintelligent Boards, Committees and Trustees", who are responsible for the fact that “a large part of the pupil’s ‘instruction’ consists of cramming him with obscure and wordy ‘rules’ which he does not understand and has no time to understand” (Twain, 1887:936). The Century Magazine apparently received a large amount of correspondence about Twain's article and subsequently published a letter from Caroline LeRow who had originated the matter in the first place. She wrote in even stronger terms than Mark Twain, quoting Herbert Spencer, that “The wrong things are taught at the wrong time and in the wrong way" (fellow, 1888:804).

Thus in these early writings the howlers was treated both as a subject for laughter and as a matter for serious public debate. However, there was to develop an approach to “howlers" in which the desire to amuse far outweighed and even swamped the more serious purpose. A sign that this might happen can be found quite early, in an article in the Boy's Own Paper in 1889. The introduction leads one to expect a serious discussion of the strengths and weaknesses of the examination system:

The great examination question has lately come to the front again – is it good for boys to be examined. (Anonymous, 1889:99)

However, the article soon becomes dominated by what were then still called “blunders". The howlers which frequently appeared as “fillers” in magazines of the late Victorian era seem to have been presented in the main without any pretence of seriousness of purpose. However, attempts to treat howlers seriously have survived up to the present day.

The eminent educationalist, Sir John Adams, interestingly started his book Errors in Schools (1927) with a chapter largely devoted to howlers. The chapter's title is “The Aesthetic Side", i.e. the aesthetic side of error, and he gives a good deal of attention to why certain errors are amusing, the influence of different circumstances, and so on. However, he argues that those concerned with education should not simply laugh at these mistakes:

The plain man can encounter a howler, smile and pass on without sin. Not so the teacher. It is part of his business to note and to understand howlers. (Adams, 1927:11)

This, of course was the main purpose of his book. This tradition survives up to the present day in the writings of those psychologists and educationists who seek to understand children’s errors by considering them seriously.

A book with the title Scottish School Humour (1935) might have been thought to represent an entirely different point of view. However, the author, Charles Thomson, a retired Scottish headmaster, is not so different in spirit from Adams. Although clearly hoping to amuse his readers, the laughter is sometimes at the expense of teachers, administrators and parents. His treatment of the notion of a “howler" is expressed with a passion slightly unexpected in an essentially light hearted book. He says that he does not know who invented the term “howler" but he does recollect when he first heard it used. lt was by

… an Oxford-trained lecturer at Glasgow University about 45 years ago (that is, around 1890, when the first appearance in print seems also to have occurred). I felt it then to be hateful word. I still think so … it betokens a wrong frame of mind — an unsympathetic attitude. Rightly considered, the child's mistakes are natural and inevitable. They should seldom be greeted with derisive laughter. The laughter they stir should not be that of the gullet, but of the diaphragm, which is nearer the heart. Often they are worthy of careful study. (Thomson, 1936:143)

Nevertheless, Thomson does go on to quote many errors largely to amuse the reader.

Doubts at whether we should be laughing at student error continue to be expressed. For example, two British professional academic bodies, the British Sociological Association and British Psychological Society have found objections being raised when “howlers" were published in their newsletters for members. (See, for example, Benthall, 1975, Cross, 1979.)

In contrast we can see the development of a type of publication where the aim to do nothing more than to amuse is proclaimed.

“The compilation of this book lays no claim to literary achievement. It is purely and simply an effort to amuse those who, perchance in an idle hour, may scan its pages.” (Richmond 1934:iv)

More recent volumes contain similar unequivocal statements of simple goals. Muir (1986:7) states that his criterion of including an item is “lf I had a good laugh". Lederer (1987:vii) says:

“Mainly, I’ve written Anguished English to make you laugh."

That qualifying “mainly” may be a give-away, however, for it may be that the compilers of howler books only wish to present themselves as mere entertainers, that being part of the expected public pose.

The third aspect of the Cornish and Twain papers which we suggest is worth noting is the presence of items which bear interesting relationships with items appearing in later collections. The nature of such relationships may be illustrated by taking two examples. The first and most straightforward has already been mentioned in our contribution to Letters to Ambrose Merton 1; Cornish and LeRow both had a “blunder" in which Socrates, who was described as “no use at fighting", destroyed some statues and had to drink the shamrock. We have not come across the substitution of “shamrock” for “hemlock” again, but in collections ranging in date from 1928 to 1987 we have a similar error. Jerrold (1928:200) has:

Socrates died of an overdose of wedlock.

In four other collections there occurs the virtually identical:

Socrates died from an overdose of wedlock. (Hunt, 1951:30, Gregory 1977:81, Brandreth, 1983:215, Lederer, 1987:14)

Of the “wedlock” texts, there seems good reason to believe that some collectors have been borrowing either from each other or from other a common source. As to their relationship with the earlier “shamrock" texts there is more room for doubt. However, there does seem to be a distinct possibility that the “wedlock" texts represent the outcome of a process of polishing. The less pointed references to fighting ability, to appearance and to destroying statues may have been dropped leaving the more striking and more memorable simple sentence. “Wedlock” has the advantage over “shamrock" of having wider connotations. Shamrocks are not proverbially harmful, but wedlock is a state about which mixed feelings are often expressed, and if “wedlock” were taken to be a euphemism for sexual relations, then a further dimension would be added to the humour.

The second example is rather more complex. Cornish (1886:622) provides the following example and explanation:

A young law-student stated that the statute of Praemunire had to do with “purple boots", which were by it declared illegal. He had apparently been told something about “Papal Bulls”; these words conveying no idea to his mind, he had substituted others more familiar and intelligible.

Since the Statutes of Praemunire were indeed used to assert the authority of the English crown at the expense of Papal authority, the origin of “purple boots” in “Papal Bulls” is plausible, even if it is only inferred. However, from 1896 onwards, we have noted many howlers based on a misunderstanding of “bull" meaning a decree from the Pope, the name deriving from the seal or “bulla" attached to it. The Girl's Own Paper has this example:

Did Martin Luther die a natural death? No, he was excommunicated by a bull. (Anonymous, 1896:653)

Ash (198S:20), who claimed simply to be providing a selection from Hunt’s numerous volumes, has an almost identical formulation. Two American collectors, (Anonymous, 1941:57, Lederer, 1987:10), both refer to this as a “horrible death” but otherwise the howler is the same. Gregory (1977:11) refers to the fact that “Martin Luther was executed by a bull” has been appearing regularly “for the last forty years". However, we have not come across the “executed” form elsewhere. All this suggests a long standing and apocryphal howler. However, this by no means exhausts the plays on “bull” to be found in howler collections.

Thomson (193 5:14-4) has a different summary of the Statute of Praemunire, quoting it as forbidding “the execution of bulls belonging to the Pope". He contrasts this seemingly genuine howler with what he calls an example of “forced wit”:

The Diet of Worms was what the monks ate during Lent. At Easter they were allowed beef, which was called the Papal Bull.

This is a “one-off”; we have found nothing quite like it in any other collections. Other unrepeated howlers involving “Papal Bull" include the following fairly simple examples:

A Papal Bull is a male cow. (Gregory, 1977:72)

A Papal Bull is a rare kind of bull with red spots and generally a black tail. (Hunt, 1934:27)

Under Henry VIII no bulls were allowed to land in England. (Hunt, 1934:17)

Note that in the last case, though “Papal” is missing, the sentence reads like a misunderstanding of a statement about the conflict between Henry VIII and the Pope. A more complex “one-off” and perhaps of dubious authenticity is:

A Papal Bull gave you the alternative of obedience or of being excommunicated from the privileges of the Church. It is a bull with reference to the horns of a dilemma. So an Irish Bull is a choice — You may believe it or you may not believe it. (Richmond, 1935:49)

There remain a number of cases where the Papal Bull is kept in the Vatican — but for rather different purposes:

The Papal Bull was a mad bull kept by the Pope in the Inquisition to trample on Protestants.

This appears in virtually identical forms in Ash (1985:14) and in the Pocket Book of Boners (Anonymous, 1941:19). Richmond (1934:55) has:

The Papal Bull is the father of the cow kept in the Vatican to supply the Pope's children with milk.

Jerrold (1927:193) and the Pocket Book of Boners (Anonymous, 1941:19) have what seems to be a polished version of this:

The Papal Bull was really a cow that was kept at the Vatican to supply milk for the Pope's children.

Just as Socrates dying from an overdose of wedlock adds the possibility of a double entendre, so too in the last quoted Papal Bull howlers, there is additional possibility of inducing some anti-clerical amusement from the idea of the Pope having children.

A question may be asked about these “bull” howlers. Does their frequency mean that misunderstanding “bull” Is a common error or simply that it is widely regarded as a likely error? It is perhaps relevant to note that it is not necessary to employ the “howler” form to make a verbal play on “bull”. OED has a quotation which describes the Pope as issuing “roaring Bulls” against her majesty. The majesty in question is Elizabeth 1st and the date 1593. The joke is an old one.

A type of item not to be found in those early papers by Cornish and Mark Twain, but commonly found in more recent collections of howlers, is the supposed extract from letters to teachers from parents. Thomson has a chapter called “Parents’ Lines” which includes:

Dear Teacher, James Fraser has swollen glands and a bad throat. I will get them cut in the summer time. (1936:239)

Gregory’s chapter is called “Dear Sir or Madman” (sic). An example from it is:

Dear Sir, Kindly excuse Jimmy’s absence from school yesterday. He fell in the river. By doing same you will oblige. (1977:46)

Muir’s equivalent chapter is simply called “Dear Teacher”:

Jessie cannot come to school as she has haricot veins. (1984:10)

In some respects, the presence of such material alongside school students’ howlers is unremarkable. They have is common with the latter the fact that they do purport to contain errors. If and when such parental slips are genuine, they will be noticed by the very people, that is teachers, who identify the school howlers. The fact that substantial collections of parents' howlers seem to come later than collections of those attributed to pupils may simply be due to the fact that parental errors are less common.

However, if we are seeking to understand the nature of howler collecting, parental howlers take on a special interest because of the fact that they can form a link between so-called “schoolboy howlers" on the one hand and what might be termed “claimants‘ letters" on the other. These latter have been discussed by a number of writers, e.g. Jaffe. Some of the examples he quotes are:

Unless l get my husband’s money pretty soon, I will be forced to lead an immortal life.

I am glad to report that my husband who was missing is dead.

Mrs Jones has not had any clothes for a year and has been visited regularly by the clergy. (Jaffe, 1975:145)

MacDougall (1958:291-292) suggests origins for such apocryphal letter extracts around the First World War, citing the War Risk Insurance Bureau as the body to which they were first attributed. However, most of MacDougall’s quoted texts are from the 1930s. Jaffe cites a racist leaflet, Laugh and Let Laugh Way Down South, apparently published in 1943 but probably with an earlier origin, in which such items are quoted ln a mock-“coloured” style. The use of the supposed errors to express hostility to those who supposedly made them could not be clearer.

Jaffe terms these items “welfare" letters but “claimants’ letters” is probably a more satisfactory name since there are similar letters supposedly addressed to insurance companies, e.g.

I collided with a stationary truck coming the other way.

An invisible car came out of nowhere, struck my car and vanished.

I had been driving for 40 years when I fell asleep at the wheel and had an accident. (Dear Mr Thoms 15:21)

The similarities between parents’ letters and claimant letters seem clear. We are invited to laugh at “clients”. Does that mean they originate, and have main audience within “professional" groups, where the knowledgeable professionals can share responses to the clients? This could be said to be true of schoolboy howlers too.

References

Adams, J. (1927). Errors In School: Their Causes And Treatrnent. London: University of London Press.

Anonymous. (1889). “Cross questions and crooked answers”, Boy’s Own Paper, 11, 699–700.

Anonymous. (1898). “Fresh howlers”, Journal of Education, 20, 102.

Anonymous. (1941). The Pocket Book Of Howlers. New York: Pocket Books

Ash, R. (1985). Howlers. Horsham: Ravette.

Benthall, J. (1975). “Letter to the editor”, Network, Newsletter of the British Sociological Association, 3, 4.

Brandreth, G. (1983). The joy Of Lex. New York: Quill.

Cornish, J.F. “Boys’ blunders”, Cornhill Magazine, 6, 619–628.

Cross, M. (1979). “Miscellany”, Bulletin of the British Psychological Society, 32, 263.

Gregory, R.E. (1977). Knight Book Of Howlers. London: Hodder & Stoughton 8

Hunt. C. (1934). Latest Howlers. London: Harrap.

Hunt, C. (1957). My Favourite Howlers. 2nd Ed. London: Benn.

Jaffe, H.J. (1975). “The welfare 1etters", Western Folklore, 34, 144–148.

Jerrold, W. (1928). Bulls, Blunders And Howlers. London: Brentano’s.

Lederer, R. (1987). Anguished English: An Anthology Of Accidental Assaults On The English Language. London: Robson.

LeRow, C. (1887). English As She ls Taught. New York: Cassell. .

LeRow, C.B. (1888). “The public school problem”, Century Magazine, 13, 804–805.

MacDougall, C. (1958). Hoaxes. 2nd Ed. New Yorker: Dover.

Muir, J.G. (1984). Classroom Clangers. Edinburgh: Gordon Wright.

Muir, J.G. (1986). More Classroom Clangers. Edinburgh: Gordon Wright

Richmond, F.M. (1934). School Yarns And Howlers, London: Universal Publications.

Strachan, R. (1930). Humour In The Schoolroom. London: Stockwell.

Thomson, C.W. (1936). Scottish School Humour. Glasgow: Robert Gibson

Twain, M. (1887). “English as she is taught", Century Magazine, 11, 932–936.

The Origins of the Howler

Sandy Hobbs and David Cornwell | Letters to Ambrose Merton # 1, 1995

In April, 1887, Mark Twain published in Century Magazine an article entitled “English As She Is Taught”. Caroline LeRow, a Brooklyn teacher, had sent him a manuscript, asking for his views on whether it was suitable for publication. Twain was enthusiastically in favour and his article “English As She Is Taught” was in effect a publicity blurb for LeRow’s forthcoming book of the same name (LeRow, 1887). Twain gave the following explanation of the origins of LeRow’s book:

From time to time, during several years, whenever a pupil has delivered himself of anything peculiarly quaint or toothsome in the course of his recitations; this teacher and her associates have privately set that thing down in a memorandum-book; strictly following the original, as to grammar, construction, spelling, and all; and the result is this literary curiosity. (Twain, 188 7:932)

Of course, although Twain did not stress it, almost all of what Ms LeRow and her colleagues found “quaint or toothsome” could also be termed “errors”.

Some time after the article appeared, Twain received a letter from an English schoolmaster, J.F. Cornish, which drew attention to an article entitled “Boys’ Blunders” which he himself had contributed to the Cornhill Magazine in June of the previous year (Cornish, 1886). Cornish remarked on the “similarity, amounting in one or two cases to identity, between some of the answers quoted” and some given in his own earlier paper, also supposedly based on the collection made by himself and schoolmaster colleagues. Cornish wondered if Ms LeRow might have “jotted down a few specimens and forgot their source”. In other words, he was politely raising the question of unintentional plagiarism. Twain forwarded Cornish’s letter to LeRow, but we do not know what reply, if any, was sent (Twain, 1979).

Could Cornish’s suspicions have been correct? There are similarities between the two collections. We may start with a short simple example. Cornish (l886:622) mentions a boy who defined “Republican” as “sinner”. LeRow (188 7:7) gives the definition:

Republican – a sinner mentioned in the Bible.

The wording is not identical, but the central error is the same, a confusion of “republican” and “publican”. If we think the error is a likely one for a child to make, then it is not difficult to imagine an American child and a British one each making the same mistake independently.

Other similarities are not quite so easy to explain a ccoincidence. For example, Cornish (1886:623) quotes the following iitem:

Socrates was no use at fighting; he was very ugly; he had a flat nose, his eyes stuck out; he destroyed some statues, and had to drink the shamrock.

LeRow (1887:65) has:

Socrates was no use at fighting. He destroyed some statues' and had to drink shamrock.

Here then we have three features in common.

A third case is even more telling. First, from Cornish (1886:623), this passage:

Luther introduced Christianity a thousand years ago; his birthday was in November 1883. He was once a Pope; he lived at the time of the Rebellion of Worms.

Now LeRow (1887:61):

Luther introduced Christianity into England a good many thousand years ago. His birthday was November 1883. He was once a Pope. He lived at the time of the Rebellion of Worms.

It is surely difficult to imagine two children independently producing such similar nonsense. So what is the most likely relationship between the Cornish and the LeRow texts? The presence in the latter of the extra phrase “into England” and the idea of “many thousands of years” suggests that she did not merely copy Cornish’s text but elaborated it. More likely is the supposition that neither published text was a truly original and authentic error collected by the authors. Cornish and LeRow both acknowledge that they received texts from colleagues. Both may therefore have accepted as genuine items of dubious provenance.

It is not of particular concern to us whether Cornish in England and the Mark Twain/Caroline LeRow partnership in the United States were the first to go into print with howlers. Their special significance lies in the fact that they clearly indicate the existence at that time of the practice of collecting and passing on amusing errors made in school. Earlier collections of printed howlers might still emerge, possibly from some more obscure periodical. What is clear, however, is that soon after the publications by Cornish and LeRow, printed examples became common. We have found them, for example, in Boy's Own Paper, Girl’s Own Paper and the Journal of Education (Anonymous, 1889, 1896, 1898).

Neither Cornish nor LeRow used the term “howler”. The word emerged about that time, however, and indeed the earliest appearance in print of the word (carrying this particular meaning) seems to have been 1890. The Oxford English Dictionary (OED) cites from the Athenaeum for that year. A later OED citation, dating from 1894, significantly refers to “the specimen of schoolboy blunders which, under the head of “howlers”, are so popular in our journals”. It has been argued that this meaning of “howler” derives from the phrase “howling blunder” which OED cites as occurring in 1884. It is possible that the emergence on a substantial scale of this practice of collecting and passing on “blunders” gave rise to a need for a distinctive term for them, which “howlers”, for a time at least, served. In the course of our investigations into the history of the howler, we have come across a number of terms which are used in roughly the same way. The Table below summarises some of the key points about these words as they are treated in OED. These terms are not necessarily identical in meaning, and some may be more likely to be used in one type of situation rather than another. They all have in common the fact that they allude to errors. However, in no case is “error” or “mistake” regarded as a sufficient definition. One way of distinguishing these words is that they refer to the size of the error, as indicated by “gross", “bad” and “very great”. However, we doubt if we will gain much by stressing size in itself, since there are so many different ways in which one might judge such a characteristic. For example, one might consider the causes of the error, the effects of the error, the reaction of other people, and so on. We suspect that it is in the reaction of other people that we are most likely to find the distinguishing features of “howlers”. What is not clear from OED definitions, but emerges from the observation of actual usage, is that these terms are used when the errors are treated as amusing. This comes through in definitions offered elsewhere. For example, The Comic Encyclopaedia (Esar, 1978) refers to “howler” as the British term for “an amusing classroom mistake”, and cites “boner” as the equivalent American term.

However, we wish to suggest that the fact that an error evokes amusement is not in itself sufficient to identify the distinctive characteristics of “howler” and similar terms. Our proposal is that howlers are best considered reported errors which evoke amusement; this “secondhand” nature of the howler is recognized, then it helps us better to interpret the great body of examples which are to be found in the various howler collections.

Words Indicating Emphatic Mistakes

recorded* word meaning** notes on derivation***
1706 blunder gross mistake/error due to stupidity or carelessness (confusion, disturbance)
1846 bull bad blunder (self contradictory proposition)
1889 bloomer very great mistake < blooming error
1890 howler glaring blunder/esp. in examination < howling error (1884)
1912 boner mistake/blunder < bone-head (1908)
1923 brick “drop a brick” = “make a bloomer”  
1934 boob foolish mistake or blunder < booby
1947 blooper blunder/ howler esp. public or politically embarrassing < bloop = howling noise
1948 clanger mistake that attracts attention < clang
1954 boo-boo boob < boob

* earliest quotation cited in OED with this meaning.
** key words from definition in OED.
*** ( ) signifies an earlier meaning of the word;
< signifies earlier word or phrase from which it is derived.

References

Anonymous. (1889). “Cross questions and crooked answers", Boy's Own Paper, 1 1, 699-700.

Anonymous (1896). “Not a natural death", Girl’s Own Paper, 11 July, 653.

Anonymous. (1898). “Fresh howlers”, Journal of Education, February, 102.

Cornish, J.F. “Boys’ blunders”, Cornhill Magazine, 6, 619-628.

Esar, E. (1978). The Comic Encyclopaedia. New York: Doubleday.

LeRow, C. (1887). English As She Is Taught. New York: Cassell.

Twain, M. (1887). “English as she is taught", Century Magazine, 11, 932-936. . .

Twain, M. (1979). Mark Twain’s Notebooks And Journals, Vol. 3. Berkeley CA: University of California Press.

Returning to Glennascaul

Sandy Hobbs | Letters to Ambrose Merton # 27, 2002

That contemporary legends appear in film in now well known. Some time ago, Paul Smith and I attempted a preliminary listing (Smith and Hobbs, 1990) but it is possible to multiple the examples we gave several times. Some films make explicit reference to the concept of the urban legend (for example, Candyman and Urban Legend). Short films employing legend themes have a particular interest, since they often focus on a single story and, because of their brevity they are closer to oral telling than is likely in a feature length film. Examples include The Date (see LTAM No. 13, p. 28) and the films discussed by Veronique Campion-Vincent in her paper “Preaching tolerance? (1995).

In discussing the film-legend relationship with students, there is one short film I find particularly useful, because it seems to aim to mimic some of the features of oral story telling. I have shown (and therefore seen) Return to Glennascaul many times. However, I only recently realized that I had overlooked one significant aspect of it.

Return to Glennascaul was shot in Ireland in 1951 or 1952 (sources differ)(Note 1). It was written and directed by Hilton Edwards and features Orson Welles, who both narrates the film and acts in it. Welles as a young man had acted in the Gate Theatre, Dublin, where Edwards was one of the directors. Hilton Edwards had a role in Welles’s film Othello which was being shot intermittently around that time. (Welles was having difficulty financing the project.) This is relevant to interpreting the blurring between the real and the fictional and between belief and nonbelief in the film.

Return to Glennascaul is subtitled “A story that is told in Ireland“, thus signaling from the beginning that it is a re-telling rather than simply the telling of a tale. The film opens in a film studio where Welles is apparently shooting Othello. He breaks off to tell the story of the film which he refers to as “a short story straight from the haunted land of Ireland”. Ireland, he says, is “crowded with the raw material of tall tales”. This one “purportedly happened to me”. Note this unusual context for the use of the term “purportedly”. Normally one would employ it to refer to the experiences or actions of someone else, the word indicating uncertainty as to how good the evidence is for believing what is being described. One would not use it about one’s own experiences, since we tend to claim good knowledge of what has happened to ourselves.

Welles is then seen driving at night. He stops when he sees a fellow driver tinkering with his engine. The driver, later named as Sean Merriman, says he is having trouble with his distributor. Welles says that he has similar problems, a pun on “distributor”, since Welles presumably is referring to film distribution. Merriman accepts a lift from Welles. When offered a cigarette, Welles comments on the cigarette case, which leads Merriman to refer to a rather strange experience involving the case. However, he hesitates before telling Welles about it since he expects Welles not to believe him. “Sometimes I hardly believe it myself”, he adds. To this Welles responds that if a man begins to doubt his own experience it must be a good one. Merriman proceeds to tell him a story, which the film portrays in flashback. It is a version of the legend generally called The Vanishing Hitchhiker. In the voice over, Welles states that he is telling the story as told to him. He does not ask the audience to believe it. “Judge for yourself.” At this stage, Welles’s commentary also includes an apology to two women. The reason for this apology becomes clear only as the film closes.

About a year before, Merriman had been driving late one night when two women stopped his car. He offers them a lift, which they accept. He drives them to their home, a house called “Glennascaul”, which Welles explains in the commentary is Irish for “glen of the shadows”. They invited him for tea or “something stronger”. Going upstairs, Merriman admired a painting, which the older woman explained had been a gift from a friend who had gone out East. The younger woman in turn admired Merriman’s cigarette case when he took it out. Merriman explained that it had belonged to an uncle who had died in China. However, the inscription dated from when his uncle was a young man in Ireland: “For P. J. M. from Lucy, Dublin, 1895. Until the day breaks and the shadows flee away.” Merriman said that he thought the words were from the Song of Solomon. (They are indeed. In fact, exactly the same words occur twice, at 2:17 and at 4:6.)

One o’clock struck and Merriman said he would have to leave. The women, especially the younger one, indicated that they hoped he would return. Having driven only about a hundred yards, Merriman realized that he had left his case behind and decided to return. However, when he reached the houses, the gates were shut and the driveway overgrown. He struggled up to the house itself but it seemed deserted. There is a sign indicating the house is for sale, so Merriman decided to go to the agent the following day.

Mr Daly, the estate agent, told Merriman that the house had been empty for years. Two ladies had lived there, a mother and a daughter. At first he could not remember their name, but when Merriman mentioned “Campbell”, the name they had given him, Daly agreed that that was indeed their name. Merriman asked if the daughter was a delicate girl with red hair. Daly explained that the daughter was over sixty years of age and her mother more than eighty. The mother had been dead for several years.

Merriman took the keys of Glennascaul and went to the house, which he found desolate. Footprints on the bare floorboards fitted his own shoes and he followed them to a fireplace. On the mantelpiece lay his cigarette case. Frightened, Merriman ran from the house. Here the flashback ends.

In the car, Merriman explains to Welles that he got in touch with the family solicitor. The mother had been dead for ten years. The daughter died two years later. Her name was Lucy. This of course was one of the names inscribed on the cigarette case. The other, “P. J. M.”, was his uncle, Patrick Joseph Merriman.

The film ends with Sean Merriman leaving the car and Orson Welles drives off. Two women, apparently seeking a lift, signal to him to stop but he drives on. The shorter of the women says “Did you see who that was?” and the taller replies “Yes, but I don’t believe it”. Thus it concludes with a further example of belief/nonbelief ambiguity.

One point to note about this outline is that it does not convey the contribution of the camerawork and the music to creating a feeling of mystery. However, at the end, there is a sharp contrast in the music, which becomes jaunty and lighthearted, as if implying that the story is, after all, just a piece of frivolity.

I hope it will be clear from this account I have given of the film why it has seemed worth using as a teaching aid when discussing the character of contemporary legends. As I mentioned previously I have shown it to students many times (and watched it with them). However, it was only recently that I realized that there was one significant aspect of the film I had overlooked.

As explained in my outline of the film, it starts with Welles filming Othello. I had failed to note the scene being filmed. Welles was delivering a speech from Act One Scene Three in which Othello, accused by her father of having bewitched Desdemona, explains to the Duke of Venice how he won her hand. He told her the story of his adventures:

Wherein I spoke of most disastrous chances:
On moving accidents by flood and field,
Of hair-breadth ‘scapes I’ th’ imminent deadly breach;
Of being taken by the insolent foe,
And sold to slavery. Of my redemption thence,
And portance in my traveller’s history.

We hear only a fragment of the speech. Welles breaks off before the mention of Cannibals and “…men whose heads/Do grow beneath their shoulders”. However, it seems clear that the speech was not picked at random. Othello is telling the Duke about his own story telling. The stories are the stuff of “travellers’ tales”.

Notes:

  1. Main credits of Return to Glennascaul:
    T.R. Royle presents a Hilton Edwards and Micheal MacLiammoir Dublin Gate Theatre Production. Screen Play and Direction by Hilton Edwards.
    Cast: Michael Laurence (Sean Merriman); Shelah Richards (Mrs Campbell) Helena Hughes (Lucy Campbell); Orson Welles.
  2. It seems to me that the otherindcation that Lucy Campbell and P. J.Merriman had had a love affair that “went wrong”. Students do not always make this interpretation unassisted, however. We are given no hint that I can see as to why the lovers separated. However, it is just possible that a reason is suggested by the surnames: Campbell (Protestant?) and Merriman (Catholc?).

References

Campion-Vincent, V. (1995) Preaching tolerance? Folklore, 106, 21-30.

Smith, P. and Hobbs, S. (1990) Films using contemporary legend themes/motifs, pp. 138-148 in Bennett, G. and Smith, P. (eds.) Contemporary legend: The first five years. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press.